Memoirs  of  the 

RUSSIAN 
REVOLUTION 


by 

George  V.  Lomonossoff 


NEW  YORK 
THE  RAND  SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  SCIENCE 


Memoirs  of  the 

Russian 

Revolution 


By 

GEORGE  V.  LOMONOSSOFF 

ASSISTANT  DIRECTOR  GENERAL  OF  RUSSIAN  RAILWAYS,  CHIEF  OF 
THE  OFFICE  OF  EXPERIMENTS,  MEMBER  OF  THE  RUSSIAN  EX- 
TRAORDINARY MISSION  AND  CHIEF  ENVOY  OF  THE  RUS- 
SIAN MINISTRY  OF  WAYS  OF  COMMUNICATION  TO 
THE  UNITED  STATES,  MEMBER  OF  THE  SUPREME 
ENGINEERING   SOVIET,   PROFESSOR,  KIEFF 
POLITECHNICUM,  WARSAW  UNI- 
VERSITY, PETROGRAD  INSTI- 
TUTE  OF    WAYS    OF 
COMMUNICATION. 


Authorised  Translation 
By  D.  H.  Dubrowsky  and  Robert  T.  Williams. 


NEW   YORK 

The  Rand  School  of  Social  Science 


1 


Ctf 


Prof.    G.    V.    Lomonossoff 


405323 


Copyright 

RAND  SCHOOL  OF  SOCIAL  SCIENCE 

7  EAST  15xH  STREET 

NEW  YORK 

1919 


Foreword 

Immediately  after  the  March  Revolution,  I  made 
some  notes  concerning  what  I  had  personally  wit- 
nessed. These  memoranda  I  took  with  me  to  America 
but  so  successfully  mislaid  them  among  my  books 
that  I  was  not  able  to  locate  them  until  August  2, 
1918.  I  read  them  then  to  my  friends  in  Chicago. 
They  insisted  and  still  insist  that  I  publish  these 
recollections.  To  be  frank,  I  could  hardly  consent  to 
it;  my  views  have  somewhat  radically  changed  in  the 
last  two  years  and  I  have  a  strong  desire  to  correct 
some  of  my  memoranda  and  to  change  others  en- 
tirely. Nevertheless,  I  have  not  done  this.  If  my 
memoirs  have  any  historical  value,  it  is  only  in  the 
way  in  which  they  were  first  recorded.  An  historian 
is  interested  not  only  in  the  naked  facts,  but  also  in 
the  way  in  which  these  facts  reacted  on  the  men  of 
their  time. 

Nevertheless,  in  some  places,  I  have  considered  it 
necessary  to  make  some  additional  remarks  which 
are  the  result  of  my  later  ideas  and  of  the  later 
experiences  of  my  life. 

G.  V.  L. 

May  9,  1919, 
New  York  City. 


Memoirs  of  the  Russian  Revolution 

PRECEDING  DAYS 

I  arrived  at  Tzarskoye  Sielo  from  the  Roumanian  front  on 
February  20,  1917.  At  the  front,  life  was  running  its  normal 
course.  There  was  plenty  of  ammunition  but  a  scarcity  _of  Jood. 
The  average  amount  of  food  received  from  Roumania  was  about 
60%  of  the  apportionment  but  in  various  places  this  amount 
was  sometimes  lower  than  20%.  Dead  horses  had  to  be  eaten. 
The  railroads,  on  account  of  the  dreadful  condition  of  the  loco- 
jnotiyes,  began  to  become  paralyzed.  I  do  not  know  where  it 
was  worse,  at  the  Roumanian  front  or  on  our  own  southwestern 
railways.  The  Ministry  hated  to  listen  to  the  truth  about 
existing  conditions  and  in  this  respect  the  General  Staff  was 
braver. 

The  extent  of  the  paralysis  of  the  railroads  at  the  Roumanian 
front  can  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  they  were  compelled  to  stop 
the  sanitary  trains  and  instead  ship  the  wounded  in  the  freight 
cars  which  had  been  emptied  of  provisions  sent  to  the  front. 
The  thermometer  registered  14  degrees  below  zero  and  many 
of  the  wounded  froze  to  death  in  these  unheated  cars.  To  rein- 
troduce  the  sanitary  trains  meant  to  stop  the  supply  of  provi- 
sions to  the  army  of  unwounded.  General  Sacharoff  finally 
solved  this  question  in  these  words :  "Let  them  die,  if  they  are 
compelled  to  be  out  of  the  firing  line." 

Under  such  conditions,  discontent  in  the  army  practically 
took  place  as  a  natural  result.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that, 
as  far  as  I  heard,  this  discontent  was  directed  almost  entirely 
against  the  Tzar,  and  particularly  against  the  Tzarina.  Among 
the  General  Headquarter's  Staff,  the  Tzarina  was  never  spared 
They  spoke  quite  openly  of  imprisoning  her  and  also  of  forcing 
Nicholas  to  abdicate.  This  kind  of  conversation  was  commonly 
heard  even  at  the  officers'  messes.  But  always,  during  this  kind 
of  talk,  the  most  usual  opinion  seemed  to  be  "Court  Revolution," 
like  the  murder  of  Paul. 

With  the  soldiers  at  the  front  I  could  hardly  talk:  my  gen- 
eral's shoulder  straps  did  not  allow  them  to  be  quite  open  in 
their  conversation.  I  remember  that  on  the  way  to  Roumania, 
at  one  of  the  railroad  stations,  I  met  an  acquaintance  of  mine, 


a  soldier,  who  was  a  well-to-do  Poltava  peasant,  an  honest  mon- 
archist and  a  man  of  considerable  common  sense.  We  talked. 
I  At  that  time,  the  daily  topic  was  the  murder  of  Rasputin  and 
our  conversation  naturally  turned  toward  the  same  thing.  I 
can  even  now  see  before  me  the  sad,  bewildered  eyes  of  my 
friend  and  hear  his  sad  voice  as  he  asked  me : 

"Tell  me,  you  live  in  the  Tzarskoye  Sielo,  tell  me,  I  ask 
you,  how  could  the  Tzar  stand  for  such  a  nuisance  in  his  own 
house?" 

I  could  only  shrug  my  shoulders. 

"I  am  only  a  plain  peasant,  but  I  would  not  allow  such 
disgrace.  And  he  is  an  Emperor.  Do  you  understand  the 
word?  Emperor!  For  him  we  spill  here  our  blood.  Not  for 
him?  For  whom,  then?"  And  then,  thinking  a  few  seconds, 
he  added,  "Is  he  worth  it?" 

The  murder  of  Rasputin  agitated  the  minds  of  the  people  in 
general  at  that  time.  I  remember  another  incident  at  the  Yassa 
railroad  station.  Winter  morning  was  dawning;  slowly  a  train 
moved  into  the  station.  Pourishkevitch  was  walking  back  and 
forth  on  the  platform.  He  had  just  put  up  the  provisioning  huts 
(much  will  be  forgiven  him  for  this).  The  officers  and  soldiers 
began  to  pour  out  of  the  cars.  Among  them  could  be  seen  a 
Cossack  officer  who  stood  out  a  head  taller  than  all  the  rest — 
a  fellow  who  must  have  weighed  about  four  hundred  pounds. 
He  noticed  Pourishkevitch,  stopped,  looked  at  him,  grunted,  and 
then  slowly  rolled  toward  him. 

"Are  you  Pourishkevitch?" 

"Yes." 

"In  the  name  of  the  Russian  army,  let  me  shake  your  honor- 
able hand :  you  killed  Rasputin." 

"But " 

"Don't  be  modest.  All  Russia  knows.  Hooray  for  Pourish- 
kevitch and  all  those  that  killed  this  damnable  dog " 

"Hooray!"  thundered  throughout  the  length  of  the  platform. 

On  the  twentieth  of  February,  at  noon,  I  arrived  at  Tzar- 
skoye Sielo.  It  was  a  clear,  cold  day.  My  wife  met  me  at  the 
station ;  we  took  a  cab  and  went  home.  According  to  the  tariff, 
I  should  have  paid  the  cabman  35  kopecks,  but  in  view  of  the 
hardships  of  war-time,  I  gave  him  half  a  rouble,  (50  kopecks). 
Only  two  months  before,  they  were  extremely  thankful  for  such 
a  tip ;  but  here  the  cabman  tossed  the  half-rouble  up  and  down 

8 


in  his  hand  and  glared  at  it.  My  wife,  realizing  what  was  the 
matter,  excitedly  told  me : 

"You  are  insane.     Give  him  a  rouble." 

"A  rouble?" 

"Yes;  we  have  been  paying  that  rate  for  quite  a  while. 
Oats  have  quadrupled  in  price." 

I  realized  that  the  rouble  had  fallen  in  value  more  in  the 
last  two  months  than  during  the  entire  war.  The  queues  that 
I  noticed  in  Petrograd  on  the  following  day  showed  me  that 
there  was  also  very  little  food  in  the  capital.  To  get  bread,  it 
was  necessary  to  stand  in  line  three  or  four  hours ;  for  milk,  five 
or  six  hours;  and  for  shoes,  many  days  and  nights. 

I  went  to  the  new  Minister,  Krieger-Woynowsky,  who  was 
just  as  courteous,  just  as  indefinite  and  cold  as  he  had  been  in 
his  previous  capacities.  He  told  me  that  I  would  never  go  back 
to  the  front  again,  as  they  intended  to  give  me  the  management 
of  coal.  He  ordered  me  to  write  a  memorandum.  He  was  talk- 
ing of  the  plans  he  had  in  mind  for  months  and  years  ahead.  But 
already  a  certain  note  of  indecision  made  itself  felt  in  his  voice. 
In  the  General  Office  of  Railways  and  all  the  other  offices  con- 
ditions were  just  as  before.  Their  occupants  could  hardly  be 
swept  off  their  feet.  After  what  I  had  seen  at  the  front,  office 
work  seemed  to  me  useless ;  and  the  self-satisfied  and  cynical 
attitude  of  the  office  workers  was  disgusting.  I  had  a  desire  to 
get  back  to  real,  actual  work.  In  Roumania,  I  felt  myself  use- 
ful ;  here  it  was  doubtful.  I  did  not  believe  in  the  success  of 
my  coal  dictatorship.  From  bitter  experience  I  knew  that  the 
old  powers  would  be  the  real  directors  and  that  nothing  but  a 
tangle  could  result  from  such  a  dictatorship.  On  the  morning 
of  February  24,  I  was  working  at  my  office.  About  eleven 
o'clock  I  went  to  the  dentist.  On  the  way  I  noticed  that  in  the 
bread  queues  there  was  evident  unrest.  It  was  said  that  for 
two  days  bread  would  not  be  sold  at  all.  And  this  is  supposedly 
by  the  order  of  the  new  Provisioning  Director  of  the  capital, 
who  actually  wished  to  ration  the  supply  of  provisions.  Here 
and  there  youngsters  cried,  "Bread,  bread!"  but  passers-by  did 
not  pay  any  attention. 

From  the  dentist  I  walked  to  the  barber  (near  Anitchkow 
Bridge).  On  the  Nevsky  Prospekt,  I  immediately  sensed  a  de- 
monstration and  had  not  reached  Vladimirskaya  before  ifc  ap- 
peared. Its  complexity  was  strange,  students,  youths,  women 


and  officers.  There  were  only  a  few  flags,  the  majority  of  which 
/  bore  the  inscription  "Bread."  But  there  was  also  an  old 
acquaintance,  "Eknvn  WjtKI2ytocjacy."  With  dignity  this  red 
flag  was  carried  in  view  of  police  captains  and  policemen.  They 
looked  at  it  quietly  and  cynically.  I  somehow  did  not  like  this 
look.  It  felt  like  a  provocation.  Something  was  being  con- 
templated .  .  .  but  contemplated  by  the  police.  No  workmen 
were  seen  on  the  streets.  At  the  barber  shop,  I  heard  some 
conversation.  "All  factories  are  working."  What  was  most  im- 
portant and  strange  was  that  the  demonstrators  were  allowed 
to  walk  the  streets  freely  as  though  they  were  being  trapped. 

From  the  barber  shop  I  went  to  Kuba's  for  lunch.  There 
everything  was  as  usual,  but  the  lunch  that  used  to  cost  one 
/'ruble  now  cost  three.  They  even  served  white  wine.  The  guests 
were  the  same  old  frequenters  of  the  place;  well  fed,  contented, 
monied.  These  people  were  making  money  on  the  war.  And 
those  .  .  .  those  froze  to  death  in  dirty  freight  cars.  On  February 
25,  I  was  running  between  my  office,  the  Institute  and  the 
Ministry.  It  was  said  that  in  the  city  disorders  were  increasing, 
but  they  appeared  to  be  of  an  unorganized  character.  In  our 
section  there  was  quiet  and  order.  What  was  it?  A  momentary 
protest  of  hungry  people  or  a  provocation?  I  was  afraid  it  was 
the  latter.  Nevertheless,  there  were  no  reports  of  serious  con- 
flicts with  the  police  and  military  until  evening.  Towards  eve- 
ning, in  the  office,  it  was  related  from  the  account  of  a  by- 
stander, that  near  the  Nicholas  Railroad  the  Cossacks  were 
ordered  to  disperse  the  crowds  with  their  sabres.  It  was  said 
that  the  Cossack  officer,  in  answer  to  this  order,  beheaded  the 
police  captain.  If  this  was  true,  then  the  situation  was  becom- 
ing rather  serious.  But  all  this  was  only  working  into  the  hands 
of  the  government.  The  disorders  would  be  crushed  and  be 
made  a  pretext  for  new  repressions  and  ....  separate  peace.  It 
was  necessary  to  stay  at  home.  I  applaud  the  workmen  for  not 
going  out  on  the  streets.  Say  what  you  like,  but  since  1905,  in 
the  matter  of  political  education,  the  masses  have  progressed 
very  rapidly.  And  no  matter  what  the  last  two  Dumas  were, 
the  mere  fact  of  the  existence  of  a  parliament  if  only  as  a  safety 
valve  for  free  expression,  had  served  its  purpose. 

In  the  Ministry,  life  ran  its  normal  course.  I  was  not  to 
return  to  the  front.  I  was  to  occupy  myself  with  coal ;  possibly 
under  Krieger. 

10 


On  February  26  (Sunday),  I  was  at  home  at  Tzarskoye 
Sielo.  It  seemed  that  everything  was  quieting  down.  But,  of 
course,  that  was  only  a  symptom.  We  would  lose  the  war  and 
have,  not  only  revolution,  but  perhaps  something  more.  Plainly,  it 
was  going  to  be  a  massacre  of  those  who  had  no  callous  on  their 
hands.  Should  we  win,  we  cannot  avoid  a  mild  revolution  any- 
way, but  now  we  have  to  carry  on  the  war  and  not  look  for 
provocations. 

On  the  morning  of  February  27  (Monday),  I  went  to  Pet- 
rograd.  I  went  first  to  the  Institute  and  put  out  a  notice  of 
the  resumption  of  lectures,  beginning  Wednesday.  The  rest 
of  the  day  I  spent  in  the  office.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Volkenau,  who 
came  from  the  Viborg  section,  related  that  on  the  Kirochnaya 
there  was  firing  and  that  barricades  had  been  thrown  up.  I  could 
hear  the  firing  from  where  I  was.  Who  was  firing,  and  on 
whom,  was  not  clear.  Most  likely,  they  began  to  shoot  up  the 
demonstration  but  went  over  to  the  demonstrators.  How  un- 
timely all  this  is !  Nevertheless,  notwithstanding  the  absurdity 
of  these  armed  conflicts,  there  was  a  glad  feeling  in  the  heart. 
After  all,  a  section  of  the  soldiers  was  for  the  people. 

I  wanted  to  go  to  the  dentist,  but  he  notified  me  by  tele- 
phone that  there  was  trouble  on  the  Pushkinskaya.  It  was  im- 
possible to  pass. 

It  was  said  that  machine  guns  had  been  placed  on  the  house- 
tops from  which  the  policemen  fired  on  the  people.  As  long 
ago  as  December,  Michel  (my  cousin,  an  officer)  told  me  that 
the  gendarmes  and  policemen  were  being  taught  the  use  of 
machine  guns.  Summarizing  all  this,  it  was  plainly  a  provo- 
cation. 

I  was  returning  home  in  the  same  car  with  Menshikoff,  of 
the  staff  of  Novoye  Vremya  (New  Times).  He  was  telling  his 
acquaintances  that  Protopopoff  (the  Premier)  had  published 
an  ukase  which  had  long  ago  been  signed  by  the  Tzar,  pro- 
roguing the  Duma  and  that  all  the  Ministers,  as  well  as  Proto- 
popoff himself,  had  tendered  their  resignations.  There  were 
no  newspapers. 

On  February  28  (Tuesday),  in  the  morning,  I  did  not  go  to 
Petrograd  but  began  to  prepare  for  the  lecture.  No  matter 
what  the  events  might  be,  it  was  necessary  for  me  to  attend  to 
my  duties  at  the  Institute.  After  three  o'clock,  in  order  to  see 
how  serious  the  situation  was,  my  wife  and  I  took  a  cab  and 

11 


drove  around  the  Alexandria  Palace.  The  guards  were  few  and 
spies  not  to  be  seen  at  all.  The  Palace  gave  the  impression  of 
being  unoccupied.  The  picture  was  like  summer.  Probably 
the  Tzar's  family  had  surreptitiously  fled.  The  situation  seemed 
serious. 

Returning  home,  we  met  on  the  street  straggling  parts  of 
the  Volinsky  Regiment  with  a  great  number  of  officers.  Soon 
afterward  Bob  (my  son),  then  a  high  school  student  of  the 
eighth  class,*  telephoned  from  the  Fourth  Rifle  Regiment  that 
he  had  been  told  by  a  comrade  that  the  Volinsky  Regiment,  with 
the  exception  of  the  parts  we  met,  had  gone  over  to  the  side  of 
the  people,  and  that  these  parts  had  come  on  foot  from  Petro- 
grad  to  the  Fourth  Rifle  Regiment.  There  the  officers  received 
them  well,  but  the  soldiers  began  to  murmur. 

We  had  just  finished  our  dinner  when  my  wife  was  called 
to  the  hospital.  It  was  rumored  that  that  night  it  was  planned 
to  dynamite  the  Palace  Police  Headquarters,  which  are  situated 
just  opposite  the  hospital.  It  was  necessary  to  prepare  for  the 
reception  of  the  wounded. 

Yes,  the  situation  was  getting  serious,  but  even  had  the 
whole  Petrograd  garrison  gone  over  to  the  people  it  would  have 
meant  nothing.  From  the  front  the  savage  division  with  artil- 
lery might  come  and  nothing  would  be  left  of  the  whole  mutiny. 
All  the  same,  it  was  disgusting,  at  such  a  time,  to  sit  at  home 
with  folded  hands.  I  wanted  to  call  up  Petrograd,  but  the  tele- 
phone system  was  not  working.  About  nine  o'clock  my  wife 
returned  from  the  hospital  and  related  much  of  interest.  First 
of  all,  coming  to  the  hospital,  she  found  there  about  ten  strange 
officers  who  had  bandaged  themselves.  They  turned  out  to  be 
officers  of  the  Volinsky  Regiment,  who  had  been  asked  to  leave 
the  Fourth  Rifle  Regiment.  They  had  sent  the  soldiers  on  foot 
to  Gatchina  and  had  themselves  decided  to  simulate  wounded. 
My  wife  flatly  told  them  to  leave.  Then,  the  wife  of  the  chief 
of  the  Palace  Police,  Gerhardi,  came  to  the  hospital  with  two 
children.  She  begged  for  a  place  of  refuge,  expecting  the  de- 
struction of  the  Headquarters,  in  which  were  also  their  living 
apartments.  They  were  allowed  to  remain.  The  children  went 
to  sleep  and  Mme.  Gerhardi  began  to  curse  in  the  lowest  terms 
Alexandra  Feodrovna  (the  Tzarina)  :  because  of  her  good  people 
must  now  perish. 

*  ISiiffrith   class  is  equivalent   to  first   year  college. 

12 


They  were  two  of  a  kind ! 

Bob  had  been  told  by  telephone  that  in  the  Fourth  Regiment 
discontent  was  increasing.  The  Third  Regiment  had  sent  its 
delegates. 

V/e  sat  down  to  tea.  Our  whole  frame  of  mind  was  in  a 
state  of  unrest.  One  expected  something  every  minute.  I  en- 
vied my  wife;  she  had  something  to  do.  Somebody  came  to 
the  kitchen.  The  bare  feet  of  the  cook  were  heard.  She  gave 
me  a  telegram. 

"From  Petrograd.  No.  6995.  Presented  February  28, 
(7:15  P.  M.).  To  Engineer  Lomonossoff,  Tzarskoye  Sielo 
station.  I  beg  you  to  come  at  once  to  Petrograd  Ministry 
of  Ways  of  Communication.  Order  guard  at  entrance  to 
report  to  me.  By  order  of  the  Committee  of  the  Duma. 

Boublikoff,  Member  of  the  Duma. 

Guard?  Duma?  Boublikoff?  I  did  not  understand.  The 
Duma  had  seized  the  Ministry?  The  Fourth  Duma?  This  was 
already  revolution.  A  revolution  at  the  head  of  which  is  the 
Fourth  Duna?  Either  this  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
pages  in  history,  or  ....  a  merry-go-round.  With  a  shaking 
hand  I  signed  the  receipt  and  turned  the  telegram  over  to  my 
wife.  What  ,vas  to  be  done?  Go  to  Petrograd?  But  in  two 
or  three  days  troops  would  come  from  the  front  and  ....  so 
dictated  my  jtdgment.  But  at  the  same  time  the  instinct  of  an 
old  revolutionist  awoke.  Like  a  cavalry  horse  that  has  heard 
the  bugles  call  I  ceased  thinking,  got  up  and  said  to  my  wife, 
"I'm  going.  G^t  my  valise  with  an  outfit  for  prison." 

Within  ten  minutes  I  was  walking  down  the  dark,  deserted 
Tzarskoye  Boulevard.  I  realized  perfectly  well  that  in  two  or 
three  days  I  shou.d  be  in  Petropawlovsk.*  But  I  thought:  "A 
reservist  of  the  Revolution  must  not  shirk  his  duties.  For  ten 
years  I  have  been  i  reservist  and  now  I  am  called  again.  ...  I 
must  go."  At  the  corner  I  took  a  cab  and  caught  the  ten-o'clock 
train.  Newspapers  did  not  appear.  In  order  to  keep  my  brain 
clear  of  fantastic  thoughts  for  serious  work,  I  bought  a  foolish 
novel  at  the  station  and  became  absorbed  in  it.  I  was  alone  in 
the  first  class  caA  The  ticket  inspector  passed.  From  him  I 
learned  that  the  Duma  had  refused  to  dissolve  and  that  the 
Petrograd  garrison  had  gone  over  to  it. 

*  The   Fortress  of   P^r  and   Paul. 

13 


I  arrived  in  Petrograd ;  the  streets  were  entirely  dirk. 
There  was  firing  and  near  at  hand  I  heard  scattered  rifle  shots ; 
somewhere,  far  off,  the  stuttering  of  machine  guns.  It  reserrbled 
warfare  but  there  was  a  certain  difference.  There  was  music, 
but  of  a  different  kind. 

On  the  Plaza  at  the  station,  people  were  still  to  be  seen; 
but  on  the  Obuchoff  Canal  not  a  soul.  Uneasiness,  firing,  dark- 
ness. I  felt  for  my  revolver  and  Boublikoff's  telegrarr  in  the 
pocket  of  my  uniform  overcoat — which  I  wore  without  sioulder- 
straps.  I  came  out  at  the  Fontanka.  There  were  two  or  three 
passers  by.  The  firing  was  quite  near  now.  Here  came  the 
patrol.  The  soldiers  looked  suspiciously  at  the  green  Hning  of 
my  coat  *  and  quietly  passed  by ;  on  their  sleeves  they  wore 
red  bands. 

At  the  Ministry  there  were  many  soldiers.  I  eitered.  In 
the  corridor  there  were  also  many  soldiers,  the  majority  of  whom 
were  asleep.  The  concierge  was  absent.  His  assistant,  with  a 
lost  expression,  took  off  my  coat  and  said,  "This  is  vhat  we  have 
come  to,  Your  Excellency."  I  asked  him,  "Whefe  is  Boubli- 
koff?"  "In  the  private  office  of  the  Director  Geieral  of  Rail- 
ways ;  but  without  a  special  permit  one  cannot  be  permitted 
to  see  him."  Without  saying  a  word,  I  handed  Boublikoff's 
telegram  to  a  soldier.  Also  without  saying  a  wcrd,  he  read  it 
slowly.  A  sergeant  came  over.  Both  of  them  began  to  read  it 
again  and  finally  I  was  escorted  to  the  well  known  staircase.  Not 
a  word  was  spoken.  Not  a  soul  was  seen  either  on  the  staircase 
or  in  the  hall.  We  entered  the  large,  dark  reception  room  of  the 
Director  General.  The  room  was  entirely  occupied  by  soldiers 
sitting  and  lying  about.  The  sergeant  entered  the  office  of  the 
Assistant  to  the  Director  General  Ustrugoff.  A  slim  Hussar 
officer  with  a  large,  fluffy  mustache  came  out.  I  handed  him  the 

*  The  coats  of  only  the  higher  officers  of  the  Russian  Arny  were  lined  with  grsen. 


3. 


4. 


14 


telegram.      "The    Commissar    is    busy.      Wait,"    he    answered 
brusquely  and  turned  away. 

1.  Office  of  the  Director  General.* 

2.  Secretary's  Office. 

3.  Reisler's  Office. 

4.  UstrugofFs  Office. 

5.  Reception  Room. 

6.  Corridor. 

I  waited.  There  was  neither  room  to  walk  nor  to  sit  down. 
I  wanted  to  go  out  into  the  corridor  but  the  soldiers  would  not 
permit  me.  I  stood.  A  quarter  of  an  hour  passed ;  a  half  hour ; 
forty  minutes.  I  saw  that  it  was  ridiculous,  for  the  telegram 
said,  "At  once."  I  went  into  UstrugofFs  office  myself;  there 
sat  the  Hussar  officer,  a  Second  Lieutenant  of  the  Semenoff 
Regiment,  the  chief  clerk  of  the  Headquarters  and  five  or  six 
persons  unknown  to  me.  The  Hussar  officer  rose  discourteously 
but  the  chief  clerk  whispered  something  in  his  ear  and  he  im- 
mediately disappeared  into  the  office  of  the  Director  General. 
"Pardon  me,  I'm  sorry." 

The  office  was  brightly  lighted.  The  watchmen  were  nail- 
ing the  windows  up  with  uniform  cloth.  BoublikofT,  all  excited 
and  happy,  sat  at  the  table  of  the  Director  General.  In  front 
of  him,  slouching  in  his  chair  as  though  thunder  struck  and 
helpless,  sat  the  Assistant  Minister,  Kozireff;  certainly  a  rare 
personality,  a  vicious  member  of  the  Black  Hundred,  stubborn, 
and  at  the  same  time  a  most  honest  and  honorable  man.  The 
Ministry  were  all  terrified  by  him.  .  .  .  but  respected  him.  Beside 
them  in  the  office,  I  saw  an  unknown  man  in  civilian  clothes  and 
Perloff,  my  colleague  at  the  Institute.  He  was  the  Chief 
Engineer  of  the  Musinsk  Railroad  where  Boublikoff  was  Chair- 
man of  the  Board  of  Directors. 

"And  here  he  is,  finally,"  said  BoublikofT;  "Are  the  latest 
events  known  to  you?" 

"No,"  said  I. 

"The  Duma  has  refused  to  obey  the  supreme  order  of  pro- 
rogation and  has  elected  a  Committee  which  has  assumed 
authority.  All  the  Ministers  except  Protopopoff,  who  has  dis- 
appeared, have  been  arrested.  Do  you  wish  to  recognize  this 
new  power?" 

"Yes,"    I    said    and    involuntarily    looked    at    Kozireff    who 
nodded  approvingly. 

*  See  cut  on  preceding  page. 

15 


"Do  you  wish  to  put  yourself  at  the  disposition  of  the  new 
government?" 

"Yes;  I  am  willing." 

Boublikoff  again  took  my  hand  and  asked  me  to  sit  down. 
There  began  disjointed  conversation  to  the  effect  that  I  should 
immediately  go  to  Moscow  to  the  Moscow-Kieff-Woronezh  Rail- 
road which  was  not  carrying  out  the  military  shipments  prop- 
erly. From  the  conversation  it  became  clear  that  Perloff  must 
also  immediately  leave  for  Caucasia  to  complete  the  Cherno- 
morskaya  Railroad.  I  really  could  not  understand  what  kind 
of  work  they  were  being  sent  to  do.  And  was  not  this  the  divi- 
sion of  the  bear's  skin  while  the  bear  was  yet  enjoying  himself 
in  the  woods? 

"In  what  capacity  do  I  go?" 

"How  would  you  like  to — as  Chief  or  Chairman  of  the  Board 
of  Directors?" 

"I  think  that  to  send  me  as  Chief  would  be  useless ;  I  would 
be  dependent  on  the  Board  of  Directors  which  you  yourself, 
Alexander  Alexandrovitch,*  (Boublikoff)  suspect  of  treason." 

"Yes,  true.  I  will  dismiss  the  Board  of  Directors  and  ap- 
point you  Chairman.  If  I  am  not  mistaken,  the  rules  of  the 
Board  of  Directors  will  allow  me  to  do  so.  Tomorrow  the 
attorney  will  look  it  up.  When  do  you  go?" 

"When  you  order.  Allow  me  to  stay  until  tomorrow  to 
acquaint  myself  with  the  general  situation.  I  still  do  not  under- 
stand much.  How  is  Moscow?  Where  and  how  is  the  Tzar? 
To  what  extent  is  your  power  organized?  Possibly  I  shall  be 
useful  to  you  here  this  very  night." 

At  this  time  a  tall  young  man  came  out  of  Mr.  UstrugofFs 
office.  He  reported  that  the  Imperial  train  was  proceeding  to 
Bologoye. 

"And  what  do  you  intend  to  do  further  with  him?"  I  asked. 

"It  is  not  decided  yet,"  answered  Boublikoff.  "I  will  talk 
with  Rodzianko  on  the  telephone  at  once.  Here  my  friend,  you 
promised  to  help,  then  please  keep  track  of  the  Tzar's  train." 

Together  with  the  tall  young  man  I  entered  the  office  of 
Ustrugoff.  There  were  some  officers  and  the  chief  clerk.  When 
the  young  man  left  I  asked  the  chief  clerk  who  he  was. 


*  The  Russian  custom  is  to  address  a  person  by  his  given  name  and  the  name  of 
his  father.     Alexander  Alexandrovitch  means  Alexander  the   son   of  Alexander. 

16 


"Member  of  the  Duma,  Roulevsky,"  he  answered,  "assistant 
to  Alexander  Alexandrovitch."  It  seemed  strange  to  me.  It 
seemed  that  there  was  no  such  deputy.  I  looked  up  the  mem- 
bership of  the  Duma,  which  was  in  Ustrugoff's  bookcase.  No; 
it  was  suspicious.  I  went  to  Boublikoff  to  inquire  who  it  was. 

"The  devil  knows  who  he  is.  When  I  was  looking  on  the 
streets  for  soldiers  to  seize  the  Ministry,  he  attached  himself  to 
me  casually;  it  seems  that  he  is  employed  somewhere  on  the 
railroad.  He  has  common  sense^  and  then,  who  knows  him? 
He  took  good  care  of  the  telegraph.  As  for  the  other  volunteer, 
he  is  an  old  friend  of  mine,  an  attorney,  Sidelnikoff.  He  is 
juriscounsel  of  our  railroad," — introducing  me  to  a  man  who  was 
sitting  quietly  in  the  office. 

"And  do  you  know  the  officers?" 

"No.  One  is  from  the  Duma,  and  the  other  came  here 
himself." 

I  felt  uneasy I  walked  through  the  Ministry  to 

orientate  myself.  It  was  empty,  dark :  two  or  three  members 
of  the  staff  of  the  Operating  Department  were  about.  At  the 
telegraph  office  there  was  a  new  staff  of  telegraphers,  excited 
and  happy.  They  were  being  directed  by  the  unknown  Roulev- 
sky. The  company  of  soldiers  of  the  Semenoff  Regiment  was 
under  the  command  of  the  unknown  Hussar. 

I  began  to  converse  with  Roulevsky,  an  open  hearted  fellow. 
We  became  friends  at  once.  He  was  bookkeeper  of  the  North- 
western Railroad,  former  member  of  the  People's  Socialist 
Party,  and  now  a  Bolshevik.  When  Boublikoff  went  to  seize 
the  Ministry,  he  offered  him  his  services  and  was  very  useful 
to  him  with  the  telegraphers,  because  of  his  party  affiliations. 
From  his  account  and  from  incoherent  talks  with  Boublikoff, 
I  tried,  first  of  all,  to  realize  the  general  course  of  events  and  to 
clarify  the  present  situation.  The  newly  issued  bulletins  of  the 
Petrograd  journalists  helped  me  to  a  great  extent  in  this.  These 
bulletins  were  distributed  on  the  street  gratis.  Events  had  evi- 
dently taken  place  as  follows : 

On  February  27,  about  two  o'clock,  the  Tzar's  ukase  of  the 
prorogation  of  the  Duma  was  delivered.  Rodzianko  closed  the 
session  of  the  Duma  and  invited  the  members  to  a  private  ses- 
sion in  the  semi-circular  hall.  There  he  read  the  ukase.  No 
resolution  was  adopted,  either  by  the  Duma  or  in  the  private 
session.  But  after  long  debate  there  was  elected  a  "Committee 

17 


of  Twelve  Members  of  the  Duma  to  keep  order  in  Petrograd 
and  to  communicate  with  Departments  and  individuals."  The 
membership  of  the  Committee  was  as  follows : 

1.  M.  V.  Rodzianko.       (Octobrist.) 

2.  N.  V.  NekrasofL          (Constitutional  Democrat.) 

3.  A.  E.  Konovaloff.        (Conservative  Constitutional 

Democrat.) 

4.  M.  E.  Dmitrukoff.  (Octobrist.) 

5.  A.  F.  Kerensky.  (Social  Revolutionist.) 

6.  M.  S.  Tchkheidze.  (Menshevik.) 

7.  V.  V.  Schulgin.  (Conservative.) 

8.  S.  E.  Shidlovsky.  (Octobrist.) 

9.  P.  N.  Milukoff.  (Constitutional  Democrat.) 

10.  M.  A.  Karauloff.         (Cossack.) 

11.  V.  N.  Lvoff.  (Conservative.) 

12.  V.  A.  Rzhevsky.         (Progressive.) 

The  Committee  had  not  yet  been  elected  when  a  crowd  of 
people  brought  to  the  Duma  the  newly  arrested  Stcheglovitoff.* 
Rodzianko  was  at  loss.  But  Kerensky  pronounced  him  arrested 
in  the  name  of  the  people  and  locked  him  up  in  the  Ministerial 
Pavilion.  After  Stcheglovitoff,  other  arrested  high  officials  were 
brought  in.  The  Committee  had  never  given  orders  for  any 
arrests.  The  people  were  catching  the  most  hated  representatives 
of  the  old  regime  and  bringing  them  to  the  Duma.  There,  some 
were  liberated  and  the  rest  were  put  into  the  Ministerial  Pavilion. 
Early  on  the  morning  of  February  28,  almost  the  entire  Volin- 
sky  Regiment  marched  to  the  Duma.  The  position  of  Rodzi- 
anko was  really  tragic.  He  had  just  sent  a  telegram  to  the 
Tzar,  recommending  him  to  appoint  a  new  Premier.**  And 
here,  all  of  a  sudden,  was  an  armed  mutiny.  It  is  said  that  for 
almost  two  hours  the  soldiers  stood  in  the  cold  while  the  heart 
of  this  old  monarchist  was  trembling.  Finally  he  came  out. 

"At-ten-t-i-o-n !" 

"Soldiers,  I  myself  am  an  old  soldier.  ...  I  understand  what 
brought  you  here.  You  did  not  break  your  oath.  As  true  sol- 

*  One  of  the  Tzar's   Ministers. 
**  Here  is  the  text  of  this  telegram : 

Situation  serious.  Capital  in  anarchy.  Government  paralyzed.  Transporta- 
tion, provisioning  and  fuel  completely  disorganized.  General  discontent  growing. 
Scattered  firing  on  the  streets.  Often  troops  fire  on  each  other.  Necessary  to 
appoint  immediately  a  man  in  whom  the  people  have  faith  to  form  a  new  gov- 
ernment. Impossible  to  hesitate.  Hesitation  means  death.  I  pray  God  that, 
in  this  hour,  responsibility  should  not  fall  upon  the  Crown. 

18 


diers  of  your  country,  you  came  here  to  save  her  and  the  Tzar.  .  .  . 
Allow  me,  an  old  soldier,  to  congratulate  you.  ...  I  salute  you  !" 
"We  salute  you,  Your  Excellency!"  No  sooner  had  Rodzi- 
anko  finished  with  the  Volinsky  Regiment,  than  music  was  again 
heard  thundering.  Another  regiment  was  approaching.  (If  I 
am  not  mistaken,  the  Litovsky.)  It  was  necessary  somehow  to 
organize  the  revolutionary  troops.  For  this  purpose,  the  Com- 
mittee invited  Member  of  the  Duma  Engelhardt  to  join  them. 
He  was  a  reserve  Colonel  of  the  General  Staff,  (an  Octobrist) 
and  was  appointed  Commandant  df  Petrograd.*  But  evidently 
he  did  not  succeed  in  controling  the  garrison.  Mobs  of  soldiers 
did  as  they  liked  on  the  streets.  They  made  arrests,  demolished 
prisons  and  set  fire  to  police  stations.  On  February  26,  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Duma  issued  two  appeals  which  read  as  follows: 

I. 

"The  Temporary  Committee  of  the  Duma  appeals  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Petrograd  in  the  name  of  mutual  interest 
to  safeguard  the  property  of  the  state  and  people,  such  as  : 
telegraphs,  water  supply,  electric  stations  and  street  cars, 
as  well  as  public  buildings.  The  Committee  of  the  Duma 
also  hands  over  to  the  protection  of  the  people  the  factories 
and  shops,  those  that  are  working  for  defense  as  well  as 
for  general  use.  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  pillage 
and  destruction  of  buildings  and  property  will  be  of  no  use 
to  anybody  but  will  bring  tremendous  misfortune  upon  the 
government  as  well  as  upon  the  civil  population  for  all 
equally  need  water,  light,  etc.  Attempts  upon  the  life  and 
health  as  well  as  the  property  of  individuals  are  also  for- 
bidden. The  spilling  of  blood  and  the  destruction  of  prop- 
erty will  be  a  blot  on  the  conscience  of  the  persons  com- 
mitting these  deeds  and  may  also  bring  numerous  misfor- 
tunes to  the  whole  population  of  the  capital. 

"President  of  the  Duma,  Michael  Rodzianko." 


"The  Temporary  Committee  of  the  Duma,  in  view  of 
the  distressing  condition  of  internal  disintegration,  the  re- 
sult called  forth  by  the  old  government,  has  been  compelled 
to  take  into  its  own  hands  the  business  of  re-establishing 


*  From  this  time  on,  the  Duma  Committee  began  to  call  itself  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee of  the  Duma. 

19 


government  and  popular  order.  Realizing  the  full  respon- 
sibility of  the  decision  that  it  has  accepted,  the  Committee 
feels  sure  that  the  populace  and  the  army  will  help  it  in  the 
difficult  task  of  forming  a  new  government  which  shall  cor- 
respond to  the  wishes  of  the  populace  and  have  its  con- 
fidence. 

"President  of  the  Duma,  Michael  Rodzianko."  * 
/  Thus,  so  far,  only  the  Ministry  of  Ways  of  Communication 
had  been  seized.  The  initiative  in  this  duly  belongs  to  Boubli- 
koff. Having  with  difficulty  received  the  consent  of  Rodzianko, 
Boublikoff  gathered  on  the  street  some  soldiers,  Messrs.  Roulev- 
sky  and  Sosnovsky,  called  his  friends,  Perloff  and  Sidelnikoff, 
and  with  such  a  mixed  company  arrived  at  the  Ministry  about 
three  o'clock.  Placing  guards  at  all  the  exits,  Boublikoff  went 
directly  to  the  office  of  the  Director  General  of  Railways.  All 
officialdom  with  the  exception  of  the  Minister  gathered  there. 
Informing  them  of  the  fact  that  the  Committee  of  the  Duma  had 
taken  over  the  power,  he  took  the  Chief  of  the  Department, 
BogashefF,  to  one  side  and  told  him  that  in  his  own  interest  Jhe 
was  arresting  him  and  sending  him  to  the  Tawrid  Palace.  Then 
Boublikoff  entered  the  private  office  of  the  Minister  and,  in  the 
name  of  the  Duma,  offered  to  allow  him  to  remain  at  his  post. 
He  refused,  pleading  the  upset  condition  of  his  nerves.  Boub- 
likoff, in  the  interest  of  his  safety,  pronounced  him  under  home 
arrest  and  put  a  guard  at  the  door  of  his  private  office.  Roulev- 
sky  quite  successfully  mimicked  to  me  the  joy  which  all  those 
present,  civilians  as  well  as  officers,  who  had  almost  lost  their 
sense  of  fear,  manifested  at  the  arrival  of  Boublikoff.  "Thank 
God,  this  place  is  already  occupied,"  was  written  on  every  face. 
After  leaving  the  Minister,  Boublikoff  sent  to  every  railroad 
station  in  Russia  the  following  telegram :  ** 

*  This  appeal  was,  so  to  speak,  a  breaking  point  in  the  activity  of  the  Committee 
of  the  Duma.  From  Rodzianko's  telegram  of  February  27th,  it  was  clear  that  he  still 
believed  that  order  could  be  restored  by  an  appointee  of  the  Tzar.  "Here  the  lord  will 
come;  the  lord  will  judge  us."  And  all  at  once  he  himself  was  compelled  to  appear  as 
the  "lord." 

**  This  telegram  played  a  decisive  role  in  the  March  days :  on  the  morning  of 
March  1,  that  is,  two  days  before  the  abdication  of  Nicholas,  the  whole  of  Russia,  or  at 
any  rate,  that  part  of  Russia  which  lies  no  more  than  10  or  15  versts  (a  verst  is  2/3 
of  a  mile)  from  the  railroad,  learned  that  there  was  a  revolution  in  Petrograd.  From 
the  fighting  front  to  Vladivostok,  from  Murmansk  to  the  Persian  border,  at  every 
railroad  station  this  telegram  was  received.  There  was  no  doubt;  the  old  power  had 
fallen,  the  new  was  born.  After  this,  the  abdication  of  Nicholas  and  Michael  seemed 
of  secondary  importance.  From  Boublikoff's  telegram  all  knew  that  even  on  February 
28th,  the  power  was  in  fact  in  the  hands  of  the  Duma.  Was  it  so  in  reality?  Certainly 

20 


"Railroad  men.  The  old  power  which  created  disin- 
tegration in  all  departments  of  government,  which  was 
powerless,  has  fallen. 

"The  Committee  of  the  Duma  has  taken  into  its  own 
hands  the  new  power  and  appeals  to  you  in  the  name  of  the 
Fatherland :  on  you  depends  the  rescue  of  the  Fatherland. 
Railroad  movement  must  be  kept  up  uninterruptedly  and 
with  redoubled  energy. 

"The  country  expects  more  from  you  than  fulfillment 
of  duty.  It  expects  heroism. 

"Weakness  and  insufficiency  of  equipment  on  the  Rus- 
sian railroads  should   be   made   up  for  by   your  unceasing 
energy.     You  must  have  love  for  your  country  and  con- 
.  sciousness  of  your  role  in  carrying  on  transportation  for 
the  war  and  the  well  being  of  the  rear." 
The  second  order  of  Boublikoff  was  a  telegram  forbidding 
any  movement  of  military  trains  in  the  region  250  versts  around 
Petrograd.    This  foresight  was  not  bad.    Troops  might  be  sent 
on  Petrograd. 

All  this  was  well.  But  to  what  extent  would  our  orders  be 
obeyed  in  different  regions?  I  went  down  with  Roulevsky  to 
the  Operation  Department  and  the  telegraph  office.  There  the 
work  was  pulsating.  Conversation  was  going  on  with  the  gen- 
eral staff  about  the  work  of  the  Ryazansk-Uralsk  Railroad  in 
connection  with  the  snow  drifts.  Reports  concerning  the  work 
of  the  railroads  for  every  twenty-four  hours  were  coming  in  and 
this  was  well,  but  not  of  primary  importance.  It  was  necessary 
to  get  in  touch  with  the  higher  officials.  It  must  be  believed 
that  Boublikoff  was  master  of  the  railroad  situation. 

March  1st. 

Midnight  found  me  in  the  midst  of  these  doubts.  I  went 
to  Boublikoff  and,  with  his  approval,  began  to  call  up  on  the 
telephone  all  the  high  officials  of  the  Petrograd  railway  junction 
and  firmly  order  them  to  report  to  me  when  the  Imperial  train 
neared  Vishera. 

not.  Boublikoff  did  as  did  Bismark  with  the  Ems  telegram.  He  added  the  reality.  He 
made  them  all  a  tremendous,  unconscious  aid  to  the  Russian  Revolution,  at  the  same 
time  withheld  its  normal  flow  and  surrounded  the  Duma  with  a  totally  unearned  halo. 
The  first  impression  is  always  the  strongest.  From  Boublikoff's  telegram  all  Russia 
learned  first  of  the  revolution  and  understood  that  the  Duma  had  made  it.  It  took 
months  for  the  whole  of  Russia  to  realize  this  falsification.  Nevertheless,  that  fact, 
that  Boublikoff  found  in  himself  the  audacity  to  notify  all  Russia  of  the  creation  of 
the  new  power  at  a  time  when  there  was  in  fact  none,  averted  in  many  places,  even  a 
shadow  of  counter  revolution. 

21 


"Nicholaievskaya  Central?  Connect  me  with  the  Chief  of 
the  Railroad,  Engineer  Nevezhin." 

"Neither  the  office  nor  the  apartment  answer." 

"Connect  me  with  the  Assistant." 

"One  of  them  has  gone  to  meet  the  Imperial  train  and  the 
other  is  ill." 

"Give  me  the  General  Superintendent  of  Operations." 

"Impossible  to  reach  him." 

"Give  me  the  substitute  officer  in  charge  of  railroad  opera- 
tions." 

"I  am  the  substitute  officer  in  charge  of  railroad  operations." 

"I  am  LomonossofT.  I  speak  by  order  of  Commissar  of  the 
Duma,  Boublikoff.  Do  you  recognize  my  voice?" 

"Yes,  sir.     What  are  your  orders?" 

"Where  is  the  General  Superintendent  of  Operations?" 

"He  seems  to  be  ill.  It  is  impossible  to  reach  him  by  tele- 
phone. I  went  to  his  apartment  but  they  would  not  admit  me." 

"Who,  then,  is  present?" 

"Assistant  Superintendent  of  Operations,  Engineer  Kozh- 
evnikoff.  He  is  in  his  apartment.  But  you  will  not  be  able  to 
reach  him  by  telephone  as  his  number  has  been  changed.  Al- 
low me,  I  will  connect  you  with  him." 

"I  am  Kozhevnikoff.  Is  that  you,  Uriy  Vladimirovitch?" 
(LomonossofF). 

"I  am  LomonossofT.     How  are  your  trains  operating?" 

"More  or  less  normally.     Are  you  at  the  Ministry?" 

"Yes.  I  speak  by  order  of  Member  of  the  Duma,  Boublikoff. 
You  appear  to  be  handicapped  by  your  superiors.  It  seems  the 
Chief  of  Railroads  and  the  Superintendent  of  Operations  are 
ill.  Upon  you  rests  the  whole  responsibility  for  the  movement 
of  the  trains.  Who  besides  you  can  work?" 

"The  other  assistant,  Strakhoff." 

"Excellent.  You  can  then  relieve  each  other.  But  mean- 
while, day  and  night,  either  you  or  StrakhofT  must  be  at  the 
telephone  or  in  the  office.  The  situation  calls  for  too  much 
responsibility." 

"What  are  your  orders  in  regard  to  the  Imperial  train?" 

"Why?" 

"Its  route  is  Lichoslavl-Tosno-Alexandrovskaya — Tzarskoye. 
But  then,  something  may  happen  in  Tosno  or  even  in  Luban." 

22 


"You  will  receive,  if  necessary,  a  new  appointment.  What 
is  the  attitude  of  the  employees?" 

"All  on  the  side  of  the  Duma.  But  they  are  infuriated  at 
Nevezhin,  (Chief  of  Railroads)  and  particularly  so  at  Dyakoff, 
(Chief  of  Operations)  and  excesses  may  be  expected." 

"Good-bye.  Be  calm  and  firm.  The  whole  of  Russia  is 
looking  at  you.  Take  all  measures  necessary  to  stimulate  the 
bringing  in  of  provisions.  The.  employees  must  prove  that  they 
can  work  harder  and  better  under  the  new  regime  than  under 
the  old." 

Approximately  the  same  conversation  took  place  with  the 
Northwestern  Railroad,  but  there  it  happened  that  the  Chief  of 
Railroads,  Goffmeister  *  Valuyeff,  had  been  arrested  at  the  mo- 
ment when  he  departed  to  meet  the  Tzar's  train  and,  while 
being  taken  to  the  Duma,  had  been  killed.  The  General  Super- 
intendent of  Operations,  Berkh  had  completely  lost  his  head. 
It  was  again  necessary  to  place  temporarily  the  whole  respon- 
sibility of  power  on  the  Assistant  Superintendent  of  Operations, 
Engineer  Lobanoff.  The  murder  of  Valuyeff  was  reported  to 
Boublikoff.  He  talked  on  the  telephone  to  Engineer  V.  S.  Pav- 
lovsky  and  appointed  him  Chief  of  the  Northwestern  Railroad. 
That  very  night,  the  appointment  was  telegraphed  to  the  rail- 
roads. It  was  signed  by  Assistant  Minister  Borisoff,  who  had 
taken  the  place  of  Kozireff.  An  entirely  new  situation  was 
found  on  the  Moscow-Woronezh-Ribinsk  Railroad.  There  all 
the  superior  officers,  together  with  the  Chief,  M.  E.  Pravosudo- 
vitch,  had  moved  into  the  apartment  of  the  chief  of  the  section 
of  operation  which  was  at  the  railroad  station  and  had  estab- 
lished a  constant  watch  at  the  telegraph  and  telephone.  There 
the  interest  was  only  in  how  firm  the  Ministry  was  and  in  what 
was  happening  on  the  other  railroads. 

When  these  conversations  ended  it  was  already  about  three 
o'clock.  It  then  became  clear  to  me  that  to  ring  up  and  talk 
on  the  telephone  was  impossible,  but  it  was  necessary  to  con- 
tinue the  conversation.  It  was  necessary  to  communicate  with 
Moscow,  Kharkoff,  Caucasia,  Siberia.  .  .  .  The  chief  clerk  came 
in  and  induced  me  to  lie  down  on  a  divan  in  one  of  the  rooms. 
But  I  was  not  sleepy.  I  was  thinking  of  the  necessity  of  organ- 
izing a  special  department  of  revolutionary  service  connection. 

*  A  Russian  Court  title. 

23 


Roulevsky  was  all  right,  but  he  was  only  one  and  it  was  ne- 
cessary to  be  constantly  on  watch.  It  was  necessary  to  have 
two  or  three  trustworthy  men,  one  of  whom  could  always  be 
at  the  telephone  to  talk  with  the  railroads  and  other  institutions. 
We  ought  also  to  have  some  boys  for  telephone  errands.  .  .  . 
Automobiles  were  needed.  Thus  I  could  not  fall  asleep.  About 
3  :45,  my  thoughts  were  broken  in  upon  by  the  outcry  of  Rou- 
levsky :  "The  Imperial  train  is  nearing  Malaya-Vishera."  *  I 
jumped  up  and  went  to  Boublikoff.  He  was  sleeping.  It  was 
absolutely  impossible  to  wake  him  up.  He  muttered,  cursed, 
and  stubbornly  fell  back  into  bed  again.  I  left  Roulevsky  near 
him  and  I  myself  ran  to  the  telephone. 

"The  Duma?  Connect  me  with  the  President. . . .  Michael 
Vladimirovitch,  (Rodzianko)  is  that  you?" 

"I  am  Rodzianko.     Who  is  talking?" 

"The  Ministry  of  Ways  of  Communication.  I  am  Lomo- 
nossoff,  member  of  the  Supreme  Engineering  Soviet.  I  speak 
for  Commissar  Boublikoff.  You  know  me. . . ." 

"What  do  you  wish?" 

"The  Imperial  train  is  nearing  Malaya-Vishera.  What  do 
you  order  to  be  done  with  it?" 

"We  will  discuss  it.    Call  Boublikoff." 

In  a  few  moments  Boublikoff  came  over. 

"Yes,  this  is  I,  Boublikoff But  what  is  to  be  done? 

Send  the  train  to  Tzarskoye?  To  Petrograd?  Keep  it  in 
Vishera? ....  Wait?  What  and  how  many? ....  All  right, 
we  shall  wait.  .  .  .  They  cannot  decide !"  Boublikoff  shot  at 
me,  hanging  up  the  receiver.  Long  minutes  ensued.  A  note 
was  brought  from  the  telegraph  office :  "Malaya-Vishera.  Gen- 
eral Fursa  and  Assistant  Chief  of  Railway  Kern  are  on  the 
Imperial  train.  A  consultation  is  going  on.  Railroad  workmen 
have  put  the  front  wheels  of  the  locomotive  out  of  order.  Com- 
mandant Grekoff,  from  Petrograd,  orders  the  train  to  move  to 
Petrograd."  Evident  absurdity.  Every  one  was  doing  as  he 
pleased.  Again  we  called  up  the  Duma — "Not  yet  decided." 
We  waited.  Another  note :  "Malaya-Vishera.  By  order  of 
Engineer  Kern,  at  4 :50  train  No.  A  **  returned  to  Bologoye." 
We  again  called  up  the  Duma. 

*  Malaya-Vishera  is  about   154  versts  from  Petrograd. 
**  The  Imperial  train. 

24 


"Hold  it  up?" 

"Not  yet  decided.  Keep  track  of  the  train.  When  the  situ- 
ation becomes  clear  you  will  receive  instructions." 

I  was  at  loss. 

"They  are  consulting  with  the  Soviet,"  said  Roulevsky. 

"With  what  Soviet?" 

"Didn't  you  know  that  a  Soviet  of  Workmen's  Deputies 
was  formed  three  days  ago  after  the  example  of  1905? 
Tchkheidze  is  the  president  and  SkobelefT  and  Kerensky  are 
vice-presidents.  Did  you  expect  to  make  a  revolution  with 
Duma  members?  You  know  yourself  what  follies  they  commit. 
The  Soviet  has  already  issued  two  appeals.  Here  they  are." 
and  he  handed  me  two  sheets. 

"From  the  Soviet  of  Workmen's  Deputies.* 
"Citizens :  the  representatives  of  the  workmen,  the 
soldiers,  and  the  population  of  Petrograd,  meeting  at  the 
Duma,  announce  that  the  first  meeting  of  representatives 
will  take  place  today  at  7  P.  M.  in  the  Duma.  All  the  troops 
that  have  come  over  to  the  people  must  immediately  elect 
their  representatives,  one  for  each  company. 

"Factories  are  to  elect  one  deputy  for  each  thousand 
workers.  Factories  having  less  than  one  thousand  workers 
elect  one  deputy. 

"February  27,  1917." 
II. 

"February  28, 

"From  the  Soviet  of  Workmen's  Deputies 
"The  old  regime  has  brought  the  country  to  complete 
disorganization  and  the  people  to  starvation.  It  was  im- 
possible to  suffer  further.  The  population  of  Petrograd 
turned  into  the  streets  to  announce  publicly  its  dissatisfac- 
tion. The  people  were  met  by  firing.  Instead  of  bread, 
Tzar's  government  gave  them  lead. 

"But  the  soldiers  refused  to  go  against  the  people. 
Together  they  turned  against  the  government  and  seized 
arms,  military  supplies  and  a  series  of  important  govern- 

*  A  fact  worthy  of  being  entered  on  the  pages  of  history.  The  Soviet  was  formed 
on  the  same  day  as  the  Committee  of  the  Duma  and  five  days  before  the  Provisional 
Government.  Its  first  appeal  to  the  population  proceeded  by  a  whole  day  the  previ- 
ously quoted  appeal  of  the  Committee  of  the  Duma. 

25 


ment  departments.  The  struggle  still  goes  on ;  it  must  be 
fought  to  a  finish.  The  old  power  must  be  completely  over- 
thrown and  leave  its  place  to  a  people's  government.  In 
this  lies  the  salvation  of  Russia. 

"For  a  successful  result  of  the  fight  in  the  interests  of 
democracy,  the  people  must  form  their  own  governmental 
organization.  Yesterday,  February  27th,  there  was  organized 
in  the  capital  a  SOVIET  OF  WORKMEN'S  DEPUTIES 
from  the  elected  representatives  of  shops  and  factories,  of 
the  revolutionary  parts  of  the  army  as  well  as  of  Democra- 
tic and  Socialistic  parties  and  groups. 

"The  SOVIET  OF  WORKMEN'S  DEPUTIES  sets 
forth  as  its  basic  principle  the  organization  of  the  power 
of  the  people  and  the  struggle  for  a  final  and  definite  estab- 
lishment of  political  freedom  and  the  rule  of  the  people 
in  Russia. 

"The  SOVIET  has  appointed  Regional  Commissars  for 
the  establishment  of  the  rule  of  the  people  in  the  regions 
around  Petrograd. 

"We  call  upon  the  people  of  the  capital  to  rally  to  the 
SOVIETS  immediately,  to  organize  local  committees  in 
these  regions,  and  to  take  into  their  own  hands  the  admin- 
istration of  all  local  affairs. 

"All  together  with  united  strength,  we  shall  fight  for 
the  complete  removal  of  the  old  government  and  the  meet- 
ing of  a  Constituent  Assembly  elected  by  the  formula  of 
equal,  direct,  universal,  and  secret  ballot. 

"THE  SOVIET  OF  WORKMEN'S  DEPUTIES." 
But  when  were  the  elections  being  accomplished? 
Oh,  you  Akim  Simplicimus!     What  kind  of  elections  are 
there  now?    Workmen,  soldiers  and  revolutionists  came  to  the 
Duma,  and  here  you  have  a  Soviet.     Of  course,  there  also  came 
into  the  Duma  Socialist  factions.     It  was  necessary  to  create 
a  revolutionary  center.  You  didn't  expect  Goutchkoff  and  Rodzi- 
anko  to  make  a  revolution?  .... 

My  head  could  not  grasp  it  all.  But  there  was  no  time  to 
think.  One  must  do  his  duty.  I  again  rang  up  the  railroads. 
All  were  at  their  posts.  I  got  Moscow.  With  the  exception  of 
the  Railroad  and  the  Chief  of  Operation,  all  was  in  order.  I 
reported  to  Boublikoff  the  necessity  of  appointing  in  Moscow 
a  chief  of  the  junction  and  an  assistant.  He  consented,  but 

26 


refused  to  sign  a  telegram.  "Let  Kozireff  or  Borisoff  sign  it." 
This  aroused  my  suspicion.  After  BoublikofFs  first  telegram, 
the  workmen  on  the  railroads  knew  of  the  revolution  and  also 
that  he  was  Commissar,  but  they  did  not  know  that  Kozireff 
and  Borisoff  were  his  subordinates,  and  might  be  led  to  suspect 
that  the  latter  were  "stealing  on  their  own  hook." 

I  began  to  organize  train  despatching.  I  selected  for  this 
purpose  the  office  of  Ustrugoff,  next  to  BoublikofFs  office;  be- 
sides, there  were  three  telephones,  two  city  and  one  Ministerial. 
On  the  first  day  the  room  was  occupied  by  officers  giving  out 
passes  to  employees,  but  on  March  2nd,  we  moved  them  into 
the  office  of  Reisler  and  then  into  the  secretarial  room.  I  called 
upon  my  old  "fighting"  co-worker  of  the  Office  of  Experiments, 
G.  V.  Lebedeff,  and  asked  him,  together  with  Roulevsky,  to  take 
upon  themselves  the  duty  of  watching  the  telephones.  On  the 
following  day  there  came  to  their  assistance  an  employee  of  the 
Ministry,  Arapoff,  an  old  "Operation"  man  (a  Constitutional 
Democrat).  Officially,  they  were  on  watch  at  the  telephone 
twelve  hours  each,  and  then  rested  twenty-four  hours,  but  in 
reality  they  had  to  attend  to  a  number  of  other  duties. 

But  half  past  nine,  there  came  to  me  a  deputation  of  my 
students  of  the  Institute  of  Ways  of  Communication.  They 
related  that  the  Institute  had  been  occupied  by  an  infantry 
regiment  which  came  from  Peterhof.  I  made  use  of  them  mo- 
mentarily. They  called  up  some  of  their  friends  and  by  noon, 
I  had  at  my  disposition  about  twenty  energetic  students  of  the 
Institute.  Each  of  the  three  men  on  watch  at  the  telephone  had 
four  students  to  run  his  errands  and  the  rest  of  them  remained 
at  my  disposal.  But  even  this  staff  proved  insufficient.  Those 
on  watch  at  the  telephones  were  exhausted.  It  was  necessary 
to  appoint  an  assistant  to  each  of  them.  In  so  far  as  automobiles 
were  concerned,  we  were  successful  in  obtaining  two  from  the 
Nicholaievsk  Railroad  and  one  from  the  Electrical  Association 
of  1886. 

But  I  anticipate About  nine  o'clock  we  were  notified 

from  Bologoye,  that  the  Tzar's  train  had  arrived  there.  Again 
we  called  up  the  Duma.  This  time  a  decision  followed :  "Hold 
up  the  train  at  Bologoye.  Hand  the  Emperor  the  telegram  of 
the  President  of  the  Duma  and  make  up  for  the  latter  a  special 
train  to  Bologoye."  In  the  telegram  mentioned,  Rodzianko 
called  attention  to  the  critical  situation  of  the  Crown  and  asked 

27 


for  an  audience.  This  telegram  was  delivered,  under  my  per- 
sonal supervision,  to  the  Tzar's  train;  the  receipt  was  signed 
by  Woynoff,  but  no  answer  followed. 

I  had  only  time  to  read  Woynoff's  receipt  and  to  order 
Kozhevnikoff  to  make  up  a  special  train  for  Rodzianko,  when 
the  telephone  rang  from  Pravosudovitch. 

"I  have  received  a  request  from  the  Imperial  train  to  send 
it  from  Bologoye  on  to  Pskov.  What  is  to  be  done?"  Like 
lightning  the  thought  of  the  danger  of  this  plan  passed  through 
my  mind :  Nicholas  wants  to  get  to  the  army. 

j  "Not  in  any  event,"  I  answered  Pravosudovitch. 
(  "Yes,  sir.    It  shall  be  attended  to." 

But  not  more  than  ten  minutes  had  passed,  when  a  tele- 
graph message  was  delivered  to  me  by  telephone :  "Bologoye. 
Train  No.  A  with  Nicholaievsk  locomotives  has  departed  for 
Pskov  without  awaiting  orders." 

Boublikoff  ran  around  the  office  in  a  rage. 

"What  is  to  be  done?     Suggest,  quick!" 

"The  situation  is  serious,"  I  answered,  emphasizing  my 
calmness.  "We  must  talk  it  over." 

"We  must  act " 

"Yes,  after  proper  consideration  and  only  after  considera- 
tion. .  .  .  Dynamite  the  bridge?  Take  up  the  rails?  Overturn 
the  train?  It  is  questionable  whether  the  Duma  would  com- 
mend us  for  that.  And  then,  who  will  do  all  this?  We  had  bet- 
ter block  up  one  or  two  stations  with  freight  trains.  Moreover, 
the  train  is  without  orders,  and  even  the  Tzar's  train  may  hap- 
pen to  be  blocked  in  by  freight  trains." 

At  this  time  Ustrugoff  came  in  to  his  office.  Boublikoff 
hastily  ran  to  him. 

"Order  immediately  that  on  the  Vindavskaya,  in  the  path 
of  No.  A.,  one  of  the  junctions  shall  be  blocked  up  by  a  couple 
of  freight  trains." 

"I  refuse  to  obey  such  instructions." 

"Wh-a-a-t ....?" 

In  the  eyes  of  both  of  them  there  was  something  dreadful. 
Roulevsky  and  myself  snatched  out  revolvers.  It  is  said  that 
I  put  my  revolver  to  UstrugofFs  body,  but  I  do  not  remember 
it.  Ustrugoff  went  as  pale  as  a  sheet  and  muttered,  "All  right, 
all  right immediately."  Recollecting  this  scene,  I  am  al- 
ways ashamed  of  myself  and  of  all  the  participants.  What  was 

28 


the  use  of  having  Ustrugoff  do  this  when  it  was  possible  for 
me  to  talk  myself  with  Pravosudovitch?    What  was  the  purpose 
of  threatening  with  a  revolver  when  it  would  have  been  suffi- 
cient to  dismiss  him  or  even  threaten  him  with  dismissal  ....  ?'7 
But  be  that  as  it  may,  Ustrugoff  began  to  hold  up  the  Tzar's   \ 
train  and  I  decided  to  go  to  the  Nicholaievsk  Station  to  see 
Rodzianko  off  and,  what  was  more^  important,  to  see  what  was 
going  on  there.    I  had  just  gotten  ready  to  go  when — a  telephone 
call  from  the  Office  of  Experiments :     "From  the  roof  of  our 
building  a  machine  gun  is  firing;  soldiers  below  are  ordering 
everybody  out  so  that  they  can  fire  on  the  whole  house."     I 
asked  Rotmeister  *  Sosnovsky  to  send  them  some  soldiers,  and 
myself,   together   with   Inspector   Nekrassoff,   whom   I   had   as- 
signed to  go  with  Rodzianko's  train,  started  for  the  Nicholaievsk  -^ 
Station.      Nekrassoff  decorated   himself   entirely   in   red ;   a   red    / 
band  on  his  arm  and  a  red  band  on  his  hat.    I  felt  uncomfortable  f 
and   remained   dressed   strictly   in   the   uniform.      On   the   right 
side  of  our  automobile  there  was  fastened  a  big,  red  flag.     The  / 
soldier  who  sat  next  to  the  chauffeur  had  a  red  band  on  his  I 
bayonet. 

In  the  city  firing  was  still  going  on.  Here  and  there,  from 
the  roofs,  machine  guns  were  firing.  Groups  of  soldiers,  work- 
men and  students  were  storming  these  roofs.  The  first  glance 
at  the  streets  showed  speeding  trucks,  full  of  revolutionists. 
There  were  also  many  broken-down  and  overturned  automo- 
biles. But  in  general  the  atmosphere  was  happy  and  invigorat-  ) 
ing.  Notwithstanding  the  firing,  the  streets  were  full  of  people, 
many  women  and  children.  In  some  places  we  saw  attempts 
to  decorate  the  houses  with  red  flags.  The  atmosphere  was 
like  that  of  a  holiday — like  Easter. 

We  came  to  the  station.  At  the  entrance  Kozhevnikoff 
and  the  Substitute  Chief  of  the  Station  were  waiting  for  me. 
They  reported  as  before.  The  station  was  full  of  soldiers  of 
different  regiments.  In  the  buffet  everything  was  broken  into 
small  fragments.  The  office  of  the  Chief  of  the  Station  was  oc- 
cupied by  Grekoff,  the  Revolutionary  Commandant.  I  first  of 
all  went  to  see  the  special  train.  On  the  way  Kozhevnikoff 
complained  of  Grekoff,  that  he  seemed  to  want  to  take  charge 
of  the  whole  operation  and  created  chaos.  I  talked  with  the 


Lieutenant. 

29 


engineer  and  ordered  him  to  keep  up  100-110  versts  an  hour. 
I  went  to  Grekoff:  by  the  way,  I  must  ask  Rodzianko  on  the 
telephone  when  he  is  going.  The  soldiers  would  not  allow  me 
to  see  Grekoff.  Long  conversations  began;  who  I  am,  on  what 
business,  etc.  I  was  answered  for  by  the  Substitute  Chief  of 
the  Station  and  Kazhevnikoff.  Finally  we  were  allowed  to  go  in. 

Grekoff  himself  was  not  in ;  we  found  his  assistant.  After 
learning  on  the  telephone  that  Rodzianko  was  to  leave  in  half 
an  hour,  I  started  diplomatic  conversation.  I  was  arguing  and 
trying  to  prove  that  only  specialists  should  operate  railroads, 
that  the  Ministry  of  Ways  of  Communication  was  entirely  on 
the  side  of  the  revolution  and  that  the  duty  of  the  Commandant 
was  to  take  charge  of  the  moving  troops  and  to  see  that  there 
was  order,  but  not  to  take  charge  of  the  operation.  It  seems 
that  I  convinced. . . . 

At  the  end  of  the  conversation  the  Chief  of  the  Railroad, 
Nevezhin,  came  in  quite  agitated.  He  was  feebly  submissive. 
He  made  undecisive  attempts  to  direct.  He  took  me  to  his 
apartment,  which  had  been  wrecked  by  employees  and  soldiers : 
everywhere  there  were  traces  of  bullets.  The  looking-glasses 
were  broken ;  the  furniture  was  broken,  but  not  all  of  it. 

And  Rodzianko  still  not  here.  I  again  rang  up  the  Duma. 
"Just  starting  out."  With  Nevezhin  we  went  out  on  the  porch 
to  meet  the  head  of  the  Government.  Znamenskaya  Plaza  was 
full  of  people.  From  afar  were  suddenly  heard  outcries, 
"Hooray!"  "And  to  this  Rodzianko  had  arrived,"  thought  I. 
But  it  was  not  he.  Troops  were  going  to  the  Duma  to  offer  it 
their  loyalty.  Only  when  I  saw  these  grey,  well-known  masses 
of  people  with  red  flags,  did  I  realize  fully  and  definitely  what 
had  happened.  For  at  least  an  hour  section  after  section  of 
troops,  in  full  order  with  music  and  officers,  passed.  And  I 
looked  and  looked  ....  and  involuntary  tears  came  into  my  eyes. 

Rodzianko  had  still  not  arrived.  I  again  went  to  the  tele- 
phone. 

"Will  soon  leave." 

"Tell  him  that  in  order  to  let  his  train  through,  I  have 
ordered  all  passenger  trains  held  up.  We  are  completing  utter 
disorganization  in  the  operating  department,  and  train  No.  A. 
gets  further  and  further  from  Bologoye.  Explain  to  him  that 
I  must  know  the  exact  time  of  his  departure." 

30 


"Michael  Vladimirovitch  leaves  at  once.  Order  the  train 
in  half  an  hour." 

I  waited.  What  a  familiar  face  that  man  in  the  soldier's 
uniform  had.  Aha,  that  was  Azis  Nicholaievitch,  an  assistant 
to  the  buffet  attendant,  Bairasheff,  who  has  fed  me  many  a  year 
in  Luban  and  in  trains.  Recently  he  was  taken  into  the  army. 

"Azis  Nicholaievitch,  what  are  you  doing  here?  You  are  sup- 
posed to  be  at  the  front." 

"I  am  on  the  sanitary  train,  Your  Excellency.  I  arrived 
and  went  to  my  boss  and  here  is  what  I  got  into.  The  other 
day  I  said  to  him,  'Donate  three  or  four  thousand,  you  will  lose 
more.  Cook  for  the  soldiers  'shtchi'  *  and  'kasha'  ;**  give  it  away 
free  of  charge.'  He  was  stubborn  and  when  the  soldiers  broke 
in,  the  cooks  ran  away  and  there  was  nobody  to  cook.  Well, 
it  started. .  . .  Everything  is  broken.  Would  you  believe  me, 
not  a  plate  was  left,  the  silver  and  linen  taken  away,  a  loss  of 
about  40,000." 

"And  in  Luban?" 
1   "Luban  is  all  destroyed  .  .  .  dark  people,  enraged." 

"Hungry." 

"No ;  mainly  by  reason  of  rage,  Your  Excellency." 

"Rage  "at"  whom?" 

"At  all  those  who  live  well.     Excuse  me,  Your  Excellency. 
At  present,  at  the  front,  it's  quite  doubtful  as  regards  food ;  in 
the  trenches  there  is  hunger  and  on  the  Staffs  the  officers  deny 
themselves   nothing.     You   know   yourself.      Here,    because   of 
abuse,  they  are  breaking  and   destroying.     It   is   necessary   to} 
understand.    Therefore  I  said  to  the  boss,  'Cook  day  and  night.; 
They  will  thank  you.'     Is  it  much  that  a  soldier  needs  ?^JJ** 

Saying  good-bye  to  Azis  Nicholaivitch,  I  again  went  out 
on  the  porch.  A  half  an  hour  passed.  Rodzianko  had  not  ar- 
rived. There  was  no  sense  in  waiting  longer.  Leaving  Nek- 
rassoff  at  the  station,  I  went  back  to  the  Ministry.  On  the  way, 
we  were  fired  upon  by  a  machine  gun  from  the  house  of 
Mayeffsky  but  they  missed  us.  All  the  bullets  went  wild  be- 
hind us. 


*  Cabbage  Soup.  **  Gruel. 

***  A  few  months  later,  when  the  label  of  the  class  struggle  between  proletariat 
and  bourgeoisie  had  been  applied  to  the  massacres  that  were  going  on,  the  same  thought 
was  even  better  illustrated  by  a  Petrograd  cabman.  To  the  question  of  his  fare, 
Professor  Harper  of  Chicago,  "\Vho  are  the  bourgeois?''  the  cabman  replied,  "Bour- 
geois, sir,  are  those  who  lived  well  under  the  old  regime." 

31 


1  entered  my  office.  Rotmeister  Sosnovsky  was  wildly 
shouting  into  the  telephone. 

"I  am  reporting  for  the  fifth  time,  that  the  guard  in  the 
Ministry  of  Ways  of  Communication  has  not  been  relieved  for 
the  last  twenty-four  hours  and  is  without  food.  .  .  .  You  sent? 
Nobody  came.  .  .  .  Well,  I'll  ring  up  the  Semenovsky  Regiment. 
Gentlemen,  connect  me  with  the  Semenovsky  Regiment.  I  want 
to  talk  with  Col.  N.  N.  .  .  .  Colonel,  I  am  the  Chief  of  the  Guard 
of  the  Ministry  of  Ways  of  Communication,  Rotmeister  Sos- 
novsky. Your  regiment  is  keeping  guard  in  the  Ministry  of 
Ways  of  Communication.  No  food,  no  relief.  .  .  ." 

The  conversation  dragged  on  a  long  time.  At  the  other 
telephone  I  tried  to  find  out  where  the  Tzar's  train  was.  It 
happened  to  be  going  to  Staraya-Russa. 


PETROGRAD. 


OBOOKHOVO. 


TO  MURMANSK  AND  VOLOGDA. 
)Tz/^RSKOY£5lELO. 

PAV>VSK. 
-r 

_>TOSNO. 
/SfMMNfl 


LUBAN. 


DNO        STARAYA  RUSSA.      BOLQGOYE 


From  Petrograd  to  Staraya-Russa  by  way  of  Dno  is  three 
hundred  versts  while  by  way  of  Bologoye  it  is  four  hundred. 
It  was  senseless  for  Rodzianko  to  go  through  Bologoye.  True, 
there  were  three  hundred  versts  of  double  track  but  at  the  same 


32 


time  the  Tzar's  train  will  be  getting  ahead  of  him.  It  was  ne- 
cessary to  overtake  him  at  Dno.  We  rang  up  the  Duma.  Rodzi- 
anko  was  still  there.*  He  condescended  to  go  by  the  Vindav- 
skaya  Railroad  to  Dno.  I  cancelled  the  first  special  train  on 
the  Nicholaievsk  and  ordered  another  on  the  Vindavskaya.  The 
incident  with  Ustrugoff  had  its  good  side :  we  ourselves  gave 
orders  by  telegraph  without  the  assistance  of  the  officials  of  the 
old  regime.  I  rang  up  Pravosudovitch. 

"What  about  the  holding  up^of  No.  A.?" 

"No  results;  too  late.  At  Dno  the  gendarmes  arrested  all 
the  disloyal  railroad  men  and  demand  troops  for  guard  duty." 

"May  we  let  the  President  of  the  Duma  go  there?" 

"I  don't  know." 

We  notified  the  Duma.  Rodzianko  sent  another  telegram 
to  the  Tzar.  No  answer. 

Nekrassoff  rang  up  from  the  Vindavskaya  station  which  he 
had  reached  on  foot.  "Train  ready.  I  am  awaiting  orders." 

"Wait." 

It  was  after  two  o'clock.  .  .  .  Telephones,  orders.  .  .  .  Not 
a  minute's  rest.  ...  I  began  to  get  terribly  hungry.  All  re- 
connoissances  in  that  respect  proved  futile.  The  dining  room 
was  not  working  and  then,  less  than  half  of  the  employees  had 
reported  for  duty.  The  chief  clerk  appeared  in  company  with 
a  middle  aged  but  pleasant  lady.  She  smiled  and  asked,  "Do 
you  wish  to  eat?"  She  happened  to  be  the  wife  of  a  courier, 
a  Lettish  Socialist,  and  had  decided  to  prepare  our  food.  Her 
name  was  Cecilia  ....  a  good  soul.  She  fed  us  as  though  fatten- 
ing us  for  the  market.  The  menu  was  very  limited ;  kasha, 
potatoes  and  beef-steaks,  but  always  fresh  and  appetizing.  Thus 
we  were  assured  of  food  and  otherwise  our  duties  were  entirely 
in  regular  routine.  Without  exaggeration,  it  may  be  said  that 
Ustrugoff's  office,  from  which  its  boss  had  been  disposessed, 
was  throbbing  with  the  revolution.  The  provisioning  of  the 
soldiers  was  also  organized.  Their  food  was  brought  to  them 
from  the  Institute  of  Ways  of  Communication. 

It  got  dark ;  we  turned  on  the  electricity.  A  message  came 
by  telephone :  "Train  No.  A.  arrived  in  Dno.  The  Emperor  is 
pacing  the  platform  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  President  of  the 

*  At  that  time  the  vacillating  behavior  of  Rodzianko  seemed  unpardonable.  In 
reality,  throughout  the  whole  day  he  had  had  parleys  by  military  wire  with  General 
Russky.  Beside  that,  the  Committee  of  the  Duma  could  in  no  way  come  to  an  under- 
standing with  the  Soviet  as  to  what  was  to  be  done  with  the  Tzar. 

33 


Duma."  I  rang  up  the  Vindavskaya  Railroad.  "The  President 
of  the  Duma  has  not  yet  arrived."  Boublikoff  called  up  the 
Duma.  "A  very  important  session  is  now  going  on  between  the 
Committee  of  the  Duma  and  the  Soviet  of  Workmen's  Deputies. 
Rodzianko  cannot  go  now,  but  asks  that  you  hold  the  train.  We 
have  received  an  answer  from  General  Russky  in  Pskov,  saying 
that  he  will  do  his  duty  to  the  country.  .  .  .  The  army  is  with  us." 

"But  what  about  No.  A.,  Alexander  Alexandrovitch?" 

"How  do  I  know?  We'll  have  to  wait  until  they  stop  talk- 
ing ..."  and  Boublikoff  went  out,  slamming  the  door. 

Pravosudovitch  rang  up :  "The  Emperor  asks  when  will 
the  President  of  the  Duma  arrive.  He  also  asks  that  his  train 
be  ordered  to  Pskov." 

I  then  rang  up  the  Duma  myself.  Rodzianko  and  I  re- 
ported. 

"Order  them  to  inform  His  Majesty,  that  the  extraordinary 
situation  does  not  allow  me  to  leave  the  capital.  The  Imperial 
train  is  to  be  let  go  with  all  the  formalities  due  to  Imperial 
trains.  Do  you  understand?" 

"Yes,  sir.  It  shall  be  done.  It  means  that  I  shall  cancel  your 
train  on  the  Vindavskaya?" 

"Yes,  but  make  up  a  train  to  Pskov.  Some  members  of 
the  Duma  are  going  there  with  a  message  of  extreme  impor- 
tance. Did  you  understand?" 

"Abdication?" 

"That  does  not  concern  you  and  such  words  must  not  be 
spoken." 

"Yes,  sir." 

Nevertheless,  Roulevsky,  through  his  friends  who  were 
members  of  the  Soviet  of  Workmen's  Deputies,  was  notified  by 
the  same  telephone  that  it  had  been  decided  to  demand  abdica- 
tion. The  Duma  had  argued  the  whole  day  as  to  what  was  to 
be  done.  There  had  been  motions  for  removal,  abdication  and 
discipline,  that  is,  the  imprisonment  of  the  Tzarina  and  the 
appointment  of  a  responsible  Ministry.  Abdication  was  de- 
cided upon.  From  the  Department  of  Operation  an  order  was 
brought  to  me  for  signature,  allowing  the  Imperial  train  to  go 
to  Pskov.  I  wished  to  believe  this  the  last  Imperial  train  in 
Russia.  I  began  to  talk  with  the  Rotmeister.  We  found  that 
we  had  mutual  acquaintances  in  the  Ukrainian  Hussar  Regi- 
ment; he  knew  Misha.  He  is  extremely  able  to  deal  with  sol- 

34 


diers,  they  obey  him  wonderfully.  "He  is  a  real  one,  brother," 
I  heard  a  bearded  corporal  saying  about  him.  "With  him, 
brother,  you  can't.  .  .  ."  In  answer  another  soldier  spilled  a 
tirade  of  profanity  and  evidently  they  understood  one  another 
but  I  didn't.  .  .  .  About  seven  o'clock  Pravosudavitch  called  up : 
"What's  to  be  done  with  the  Georgian  Cavaliers?"* 

"Which  Georgian  Cavaliers?" 

"A  few  days  ago,  the  Staff  ordered  three  eschalons  of 
Georgian  Cavaliers  to  Tzarskoye  Sielo  where  there  was  sup- 
posed to  be  an  exhibition  of  trophies.  With  the  first  eschalon 
is  General  Ivanoff.  He  demands  to  be  allowed  to  proceed, 
otherwise  he  threatens  to  use  force." 

"Inform  the  General  of  the  situation.  What  kind  of  exhibi- 
tion could  there  be  now?" 

"The  General  asks  that  he  be  allowed  to  go  to  Tzarskoye 
in  his  own  car  with  a  separate  locomotive  or  that  his  car  be 
coupled  with  a  suburban  train." 

"I  will  report  to  the  Commissar." 

Boublikoff  rang  up  the  Duma.  It  was  ordered  to  let  him 
through. 

The  Duma  had  published  a  list  of  Commissars  to  take 
charge  of  the  various  Ministries.  Boublikoff  was  omitted  from 
this  list.  Dobrovolsky  was  appointed  Commissar  of  Ways  of 
Communication.  About  eight  o'clock  he  appeared  at  the  Min- 
istry. For  a  long  time  he  talked  with  Boublikoff  locked  in  his 
private  office.  How  they  divided  their  duties  remained  unknown 
but  Boublikoff  categorically  asked  me  to  remain  with  him  as 
Assistant  Commissar.  I  was  moved.  Our  personal  relations, 
after  Boublikoff's  project  of  the  new  railroad  in  Grishino-Rovno, 
had  been  very  strained.  He  had  a  perfect  right  to  cherish  a 
resentment  but,  nevertheless,  for  the  sake  of  duty  he  was  now 
pushing  me.  Not  every  one  is  capable  of  that. 

The  Military  was  quiet.  The  Departments  of  Despatching 
and  Telegraphs  were  working  in  full  swing.  The  movement  of 
trains  was  everywhere  normal.  Lebedeff  was  on  watch. 

"Take  a  rest,"  says  Boublikoff. 

"Allow  me  to  go  to  Tzarskoye,  for  the  telephone  is  not 
working.  By  the  way,  I  will  find  out  what  is  doing  there.  How 
is  the  garrison?" 

*  An  organization   of  soldiers  who  have  been   distinguished   for   bravery. 

35 


"Fine.    Go." 

And  I  went.  There  was  hardly  anybody  in  the  ten  o'clock 
train.  Arrived  at  Tzarskoye,  I  asked  the  officer  on  guard  at 
the  station  how  things  were.  He  reported :  "General  Ivanoff 
has  spent  twenty  minutes  at  the  Palace  and  gone  back  to  Viritza. 
I  The  troops  have  pronounced  themselves  neutral  and  put  on 
I  white  bands."  When  I  came  out  of  the  station  there  were  no 
cabs.  Scattered  firing  here  and  there.  The  soldiers  were  show- 
ing their  joy  and  firing  into  the  air.  I  could  see  a  light  in  my 
house.  My  wife  was  not  asleep.  There  was  much  questioning 
and  many  tales,  but  like  a  stone  I  fell  into  bed  and  slept  like  a 
dead  man. 

March  2nd. 

At  six  o'clock  I  was  awakened  and  by  seven  I  was  already 
rattling  on  the  train.    There  were  many  soldiers  in  the  first-class 
(    car,  a  thing  I  saw  for  the  first  time  in  my  life.    They  were  smok- 
\    ing  and  spitting  and  the  demand  for  tickets  was  answered  by 
V.  an  enormous  tirade  of  profanity.    About  two  versts  from  Petro- 
1  grad  the  train  stopped.     Soldiers  from  the  outside  stood  at  the 
doors  and  let  nobody  out.     In  about  twenty  minutes,  an  intoxi- 
cated Second  Lieutenant  and  a  Corporal,  entered  the  train  ac- 
companied by  ten  or  twelve  soldiers  with  rifles.    The  Lieutenant 
put  his  revolver  to  the  head  of  every  passenger  in  turn  while 
the  corporal  questioned  them  as  to  their  business  in  Petrograd. 
My  turn  came;  I  showed  my  pass  and   BoublikofFs  telegram. 
They  let  me  go  immediately. 

At  the  station  there  were  many  soldiers.  A  tumult,  shout- 
ing. Something  was  wrong.  I  ran  to  the  Ministry.  A  com- 
motion was  also  going  on  there.  Everybody  turned  on  me, 
angrily  asking  why  I  had  gone  away.  I  firmly  told  them  all  to 
keep  quiet  and  asked  Lebedeff  to  tell  me  what  had  happened 
and  to  explain  the  situation.  It  happened  that  about  four  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  a  note  had  been  received  from  the  Vindavskaya 
Railroad,  saying  that  General  Ivanoff  had  arrested  the  Chief  of 
the  Viritza  Station,  where  he  was  spending  the  night,  and  at  the 
head  of  the  Georgian  Cavaliers  with  two  other  eschalons  had 
left  in  the  direction  of  Tzarskoye  Sielo.  Lebedeff  transmitted 
this  information  to  the  Duma  and  himself  ordered  the  rails  taken 
up  between  Semrino  and  Tzarskoye.  (See  the  above  plan.) 

In  about  half  an  hour  I  recalled  that  there  is  another  branch 
from  Semrino  to  Vladimirskaya  and  that  Ivanoff  could  go  to 

36 


Gatchina  by  way  of  this  branch.     But  I  ordered  a  freight  train 
to  be  allowed  to  jump  the  rails  at  a  switch  there. 

There  could  be  no  hesitation.     I  called  up  Pravosudovitch. 

"What  is  the  situation?" 

"General  Ivanoff  is  in  Semrino.  He  is  talking  by  telephone 
with  the  gendarme  officers  who  left  to  meet  him  at  Vladimir- 
skaya.  The  Military  Committee  of  the  Duma  has  just  ordered 
all  movement  of  trains  stopped.  LebedefFs  order  to  take  up  the 
rails  has  been  carried  out.  But  instead  of  taking  up  the  rails, 
we  have  taken  off  parts  of  the  switches  between  Semrino  and 
Tzarskoye  stations.  We  have  numbered  them  and  sent  them  to 
Petrograd." 

"A  wonderful  idea.  Many  thanks.  One  of  our  telephones 
will  be  constantly  connected  with  yours.  Keep  me  informed 
of  all  of  Ivanoff's  movements." 

And  here  it  must  be  said,  that  the  telegraphers  of  the  Vin- 
davskaya  Railroad  proved  equal  to  the  situation.  They  con- 
tinued to  transmit  messages  even  when  on  the  other  side  of  the 
wall,  General  Ivanoff  was  shooting  their  comrades.  We  did  not 
miss  a  single  step  of  his. 

No  sooner  had  I  finished  the  conversation  with  Pravosudo- 
vitch, than  a  student  who  was  keeping  watch  at  another  tele- 
phone handed  me  the  receiver,  to  which  Lobanoff  was  called. 

"What  about  Gatchina?" 

"There  are  about  20,000  loyal  troops." 

"What  do  you  mean  by  loyal?" 
\  "Not  revolutionary." 

"Remember  once  for  all,  that  those  are  mutineers.  Those 
on  the  side  of  the  people  are  loyal.  So,  Gatchina  is  in  the  hands 
of  the  mutineers.  What  else.  .  .  ." 

"There  are  also  a  few  eschalons  in  Alexandrevskaya  and, 
what  is  more  important,  train  after  train  comes  in  with  new 
troops." 

"Take  off  the  switches  in  Gatchina.  And  what  about  the 
collision  with  the  freight  trains?" 

"I  don't  know  yet.    Unlikely " 

Called  up  the  Duma. 

"Military  Committee?" 

"I  am  General  Potapoff.    Who  is  speaking?" 

"I  am  Lomonossoff,  BoublikofFs  assistant.  By  his  request, 
I  am  taking  charge  of  the  operations  of  the  railroads  and  I 

37 


would  very  much  beg  of  you  not  to  issue  any  orders  of  this 
character.  I  will  do  everything  in  my  power  and  have  already 
accomplished  something,  but  there  cannot  be  any  division  of 
power  on  the  railroads." 

"What  have  you  done?" 

I  told  him. 

"All  right." 

"What  else  do  you  want  done  and  what  is  the  situation  at 
present?" 

"I  will  meet  General  Ivanoff  six  versts  outside  of  Petro- 
grad.  Has  he  any  artillery?" 

"I  do  not  know.  But  there  is  some  in  Tzarskoye.  Are  you 
in  communication  with  Tzarskoye?" 

"Not  at  all.    Are  you?" 

"I  slept  there.  But  the  telephones  are  not  working.  The 
troops  have  declared  neutrality,  but  in  Gatchina  they  are  on  the 
side  of  the  old  regime." 

"I  know.  But  Ivanoff  moves  on  Petrograd  and  not  on 
Gatchina." 

"He  may  turn  from  Semrino  to  Gatchina  and  evidently 
wants  to  do  so.  But  we  will  make  an  attempt  to  stop  him  by 
railroad  means." 

"How  will  you  do  it?  It  is  necessary  to  send  forces  to  op- 
pose him." 

"Your  troops  will  not  pass  through  Alexandrevskaya  and 
Gatchina  and  between  Tzarskoye  and  Semrino  the  switches  have 
been  put  out  or  order." 

"How  did  you  dare?  ....    I  will  have  you  shot." 

"Allow  me,  Your  Excellency,  are  you  sure  of  the  Tzarskoye 
Sielo  garrison?" 

No  answer  followed.  The  situation  was  pretty  bad.  It 
looked,  not  like  Potapoff  shooting  me,  but  like  the  Tzar's  gal- 
lows. Lebedeff  told  me  that  towards  morning  they  were  already 
debating  how  we  were  going  to  be  hanged ;  whether  they  would 
keep  up  all  the  appearance  of  science  or  hang  us  on  the  gas  light 
poles  or  the  electric  light  poles.  Sidelnikoff  could  not  stand  all 
the  jokes  of  these  "gallows-birds"  and  ran  away. 

All  the  telephones  rang  at  once. 

"The  Duma  demands  a  special  train  for  Member  of  the 
State  Council  Goutchkoff  and  Deputy  Schulgin." 

38 


"Tell  them  that  the  train  has  been  waiting  since  yesterday 
and  that  Inspector  Nekrassoff  is  in  it." 

"Hooray !"  shouts  Lebedeff.  "Gatchina  is  cut  off  from  Sem- 
rino.  A  train  was  derailed  and  another  run  on  to  it." 

I  began  to  dance  with  joy.  But  immediately  a  thought 
passed  my  mind:  "But  what  does  it  matter  to  him  to  walk 
twenty  versts?"  But  aloud  I  say: 

"Inform  Alexander  Alexandrovitch  of  this.  Russia  will  not 
forget  your  service,  Gregory  Vasilievitch  (Lebedeff).  But  I  shall 
not  forget  also  that  I  slept  this  night.  My  only  excuse  is,  that 
I  have  trained  such  a  pupil  as  you." 

The  service  of  Lebedeff  surely  should  be  written  on  the 
tablets  of  history.  Should  General  Ivanoff  have  succeeded  in 
breaking  through  to  Gatchina,  the  result  of  the  March  Revolu- 
tion would  have  been  very  different.  Moreover,  General  Pota- 
poff  was  defending  Petrograd  only  on  the  side  of  Tzarskoye 
Sielo.  The  new  chief  of  the  Northwestern  rang  up : 

"In  Louga  the  garrison  has  gone  over  to  the  revolution  and 
is  plundering  the  city.  Evidently  the  incoming  eschalons  intend 
on  their  part  to  attack  the  city  and  expel  the  revolutionary 
troops." 

"This  is  very  important.  Dear  friend,  please  inform  Alex- 
ander Alexandrovitch  about  this.  And  I  must  call  up  two 
parties  .  .  .  Vindavskaya?  Manager?  Chief  of  Operation?  .  .  .  . 
Wait,  somebody  is  talking  on  the  other  telephone.  .  .  .  So. 
General  Ivanoff  still  confers.  And  what  is  doing  at  the  sixth 
verst?" 

"Four  guns  have  been  set  up  and  there  are  6,000  soldiers. 
We  expect  some  more  to  come  up." 

"Excellent.  Order  General  Ivanoff  to  be  watched  con- 
stantly." 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  a   telephone  call   from  your  home," 

"From  home  ....  ?" 

"Raisa,  is  that  you?" 

"How  in  the  world !" 

"We  have  been  connected  with  the  palace  wire.  (Even 
now,  I  do  not  know  who  made  this  connection.  But  for  two 
days'  communication  between  revolutionary  Tzarskoye  and  rev- 
olutionary Petrograd  was  maintained  over  this  wire.) 

"What's  the  news?" 

"In  the  morning  the  troops  came  over  to  the  Palace     The 

39 


Tzarina  came  out  to  them.  The  Svodny  and  the  cavalry  regi- 
ments have  declared  neutrality.  The  Palace  is  being  guarded 
by  the  neutrals.  There  is  complete  quiet  in  the  city.  How  are 
you?" 

"Tremendously  busy.  Are  our  Tzarskoye  Sielo  regiments 
trustworthy?" 

"They  seem  to  be.    Why?" 

"We  must  know.  This  is  the  first  news  we  have  had  from 
Tzarskoye.  Did  you  hear  anything  about  Alexandrevskaya?" 

"It  is  said  that  pourparlers  are  going  on ;  some  new  troops 
arrived." 

"Good-bye." 

"Alexander  Alexandrovitch,  important  news  from  Tzars- 
koye. Tell  this  news  to  the  Duma  yourself.  Also  make  a  train 
to  Louga  for  Deputy  Lebedeff." 

"Yes,  sir " 

"Well,  the  situation  is  clearing  up,"  I  thought.  "Ivanoff 
cannot  get  to  Gatchina  for  four  or  five  hours.  There  is  already 
a  mutiny  in  Louga.  The  Tzarskoye  Sielo  garrison  is  on  our 
side;  possibly  we  will  not  be  hanged.  But  what  further?  Ab- 
dication? And  then  a  regent  during  whose  time  it  will  be  easier 
to  win  civil  liberties  .  .  .  ?" 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  the  Duma  is  asking  for  a  special  train 
to  Tzarskoye  Sielo  to  hold  pourparlers  with  the  Tzarina." 

"Order  one " 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  General  Ivanoff  wants  to  talk  to  you 
on  the  telephone.  We  are  notified  from  the  Vindavskaya  that 
he  demands  to  be  let  through  to  Petrograd." 

"Well,"  I  thought,  "you  won't  go  without  switches,  my 
dear  soul." 

"I  am  General  Ivanoff." 

"I  am  Professor  Lomonossoff." 

"The  manager  of  the  Vindavskaya  has  told  me  that  you  are 
directing  railroad  operation  and  that  without  you  he  cannot  give 
orders.  What  does  this  mean?" 

"Aha,"  I  thought,  "let  us  be  cunning." 

"Your  Excellency,  in  such  a  critical  time  and  situation  the 
management  of  the  railroads  must  be  concentrated  in  one  person. 
Furthermore,  the  Witebsk-Petrograd  line  is  one  of  our  most 
important  military  routes." 

"Who  are  you?" 

40 


'I  am  taking  the  place  of  Director  General  Bogasheff  since 
his  arrest." 

"By  His  Majesty's  order,  I  am  on  the  way  to  Petrograd." 

"Although  the  Staff  has  not  issued  any  such  order  I  will 
take  your  word  for  it  but  I  cannot  guarantee  you  a  safe  passage 
to  Petrograd." 

"Why?" 

"There  are  four  batteries  of  artillery  and  about  20,000  in- 
fantry concentrated  to  meet  you  six  versts  outside  of  Petro- 
grad." (I  boasted.)  "Talk  it  over  with  the  Duma." 

"I  am  very  much  obliged  for  this  information.  Is  it  quite 
exact?" 

"Surely,  Your  Excellency,  would  I  dare? " 

"Good-bye." 

Forty  minutes  elapsed.    A  call  from  the  Vindavskaya. 

"General  Ivanoff  insists  that  he  be  allowed  to  go  to  Tzar- 
skoye.  He  is  arresting  employees  and  threatening  to  shoot 
them." 

"Let  him  go;  let  him  turn  over  at  the  first  switch.  It's 
a  pity  for  the  engineer,  but  what  can  be  done?" 

"It  shall  be  done." 

One  hour  passed. 

"General  Ivanoff  has  returned  to  Semrino  and  again  wants 
to  go  to  Gatchina." 

"Excellent.  Give  me  the  Northwestern.  .  .  .  What?  .  .  .  . 
I  am  Lomonossoff.  How  are  things  in  Gatchina?" 

"The  chief  of  the  station  refuses  to  obey  your  order  about 
the  switches;  the  troops  are  quite  firm  on  the  other  side.  The 
Chief  of  the  Traction  Section,  together  with  the  workmen,  has 
obtained  somewhere  two  machine  guns  and  entrenched  himself 
near  the  depot.  Member  of  the  Duma  Lebedeff  is  in  Louga. 
He  is  speaking  to  the  soldiers." 

Ivanoff's  hesitation  was  pleasing  to  me,  but  his  determina- 
tion to  go  to  Gatchina  very  much  otherwise. 

"General  Ivanoff  retreats  to  Viritza,  evidently  for  reinforce- 
ments." 

"Hooray!  We  are  saved!"  Only  to  gain  time.  "As  soon 
as  his  train  moves  south,  take  up  the  switches  behind  him." 

Thus  he  was  cut  off  from  Semrino. 

41 


"The  train  carrying  Goutchkoff  and   Schulgin  has  passed 
Gatchina  safely  on  the  freight  tracks.     But  in  Louga,  they  have 
refused  to  pass  them." 
"Who?" 

"Mutinied  troops.  Something  unimaginable  is  going  on 
there." 

Another  telephone  call. 

"The  Nicholaievsk  reports  that  the  eschalons  which  were 
held  up  are  plundering  the  station." 

"Send  these  trains  as  far  as  possible  in  any  direction,  but 
do  not  let  them  get  to  Petrograd.  How  are  the  trains?" 

"Moving  more  or  less  regularly.  All  passenger  trains  ar- 
rived only  a  little  late." 

I  called  up  Moscow;  there  was  complete  order.  The  entire 
garrison  had  gone  over  to  the  side  of  the  people.  Militia  was 
being  organized.  The  junction  was  working  like  a  clock.  The 
arrival  of  provisions  from  the  south  was  normal.  I  called  up 
Kharkoff.  There,  even  the  people  had  gone  over  to  the  revolu- 
tion and  continued  to  do  their  duty.  Boublikoff  was  all  this 
while  trying  to  communicate  with  Caucasia  in  order,  so  to  say, 
to  hook  the  Grand  Duke. 

Ivanoff  slowly  retreated  to  Viritza.  Boublikoff  sent  the 
following  telegram  to  him  there: 

"It  has  become  known  to  me  that  you  are  arresting 
and  terrorizing  the  railroad  employees  who  are  under  my 
jurisdiction.  By  order  of  the  Provisional  Committee  of  the 
Duma,  I  warn  you  that  you  are  thereby  taking  upon  your- 
self a  heavy  responsibility.  I  advise  you  not  to  move  to 
Viritza  as,  according  to  my  information,  your  regiments 
will  be  destroyed  there  by  the  artillery  fire  of  the  people's 
troops." 

At  the  same  time  new  eschalons  kept  coming  up  from  the 
south.  A  few  trains  also  came  up  from  Pskov.  BoublikofFs 
orders  were  disobeyed.  On  the  Northwestern,  we  practically 
only  command  Petrograd  and  on  the  Vindavskaya — only  the 
Petrograd- Viritza  section.  Further  to  the  south  some  one  else 
was  in  charge.  All  this  time  we  were  trying  to  call  up  the 
Headquarters.  We  began  to  inquire  who  was  sending  troops 
to  Petrograd  and  for  what  purpose.  We  received  evasive  an- 
swers. Boublikoff  began  to  exchange  recriminations  with  them. 
I  called  Pskov,  the  Chief  of  Division,  Gavaloff. 

42 


"Who  is  sending  eschalons  to  Petrograd?  The  Commissar 
has  ordered  them  held  up." 

"I  follow  the  orders  of  the  chief  of  the  movement  of  troops 
from  Petrograd." 

"Which?" 

"Our  Southwestern,  Col.  Shakhoff." 

"Um-m.  .  .  .    How  are  things  at  your  place?" 

"The  Imperial  train  is  standing  at  Pskov,  awaiting  the  ar- 
rival of  Goutchkoff." 

We  called  up  the  Duma. 

"Military  Committee?  Is  Col.  Shakhoff  connected  with 
you?" 

"Who  is  that?" 

"The  chief  of  the  movement  of  troops  at  Warsaw  Station." 

"Yes,  yes,  certainly." 

"Are  you  sure?  He  is  in  charge  of  the  sending  of  troops 
to  Petrograd.  In  fact,  south  of  Gatchina  they  obey  him  and 
not  us." 

"Urily  Vladimirovitch,  the  Vindavskaya  is  calling." 

"The  switches  have  been  taken  up  behind  Ivanoff." 

"Fine." 

"But  there  are  many  people  who  live  at  Tzarskoye  and 
Pawlovsk,  waiting  at  the  station ;  is  it  allowed  to  resume  traffic 
to  Pawlovsk?" 

"I  will  ask  the  Duma  immediately " 

" Yes,  all  right.    Resume  it." 

We  all  felt  greatly  relieved.  The  main  danger — Ivanoff 
with  his  eschalons — seemed  to  have  passed.  That  danger,  as  it 
afterwards  became  clear,  had  not  been  small ;  only  a  few  days 
before,  he  had  been  appointed  Chief  Military  Commander  of  the 
Petrograd  region  by  the  Tzarina.  He  had  really  tried  to  crush 
the  revolution  and  had  he  broken  through  to  Gatchina,  who 
knows  what  would  have  happened?  Also,  the  duplicity  of  the 
Headquarters  awaits  its  own  historian.  But  whatever  might 
have  happened,  Ivanoff  was  cut  off  from  Petrograd  by  the  heroic 
efforts  of  the  Vindavskaya  troops.  Our  entire  attention  was 
now  concentrated  on  Goutchkoff's  train. 

"It's  nearing  Louga." 

"It  has  arrived." 

"It's  standing  in  Louga." 

43 


"It's  still  standing  in  Louga.  The  soldiers  of  the  garrison 
have  left  on  a  locomotive  to  meet  the  first  eschalon.  Pourpar- 
lers are  going  on." 

"The  first  eschalon  has  gone  over  to  the  side  of  the  Revo~ 
lution.  But  Goutchkoff  cannot  leave  for  fear  of  the  others." 

"All  right.     Call  Inspector  Nekrassoff  to  the  telephone." 

"I  am  Nekrassoff.     How  are  things  going?" 

"Broken  through  to  Gatchina  with  difficulty.  The  situation 
is  this:  certain  eschalons  have  gone  up  to  Gatchina  and  Alex- 
androvskaya  and  stopped  there.  They  expect  orders  but  have 
received  none.  The  garrison  of  Louga  is  on  our  side.  If  the 
incoming  eschalons  from  the  south  will  not  join  them,  they  will 
hold  them  up  by  force." 

"Dear  friend,  report  to  me  immediately  anything  that  hap- 
pens." 

"All  right." 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  the  Vindavskaya  is  calling." 

"I  am  Lomonossoff.     What  is  the  trouble?" 

"The  Commandant  refuses  to  re-establish  train  movement 
on  the  outgoing  switches  and  at  the  relief  points  without  a  writ- 
ten order  from  you." 

"I  will  immediately  send  you  the  order  of  the  Commissar 
with  the  official  seal." 

It  began  to  be  dusk.  Kozireff  came  into  our  room,  took 
Roulevsky  by  the  arm  and  walked  him  over  to  the  window. 
They  had  a  long  conversation.  Kozireff  was  agitated,  Roulev- 
sky unmoved  and  jubilant.  I  began  to  listen  and  was  almost 
ready  to  burst  with  laughter.  Kozireff  was  trying  to  prove  to 
Roulevsky  that  he  was  not  at  all  such  a  supporter  of  the  Black 
Hundred  as  people  thought,  that  he  discharged  Minsky  and  that 
he  was  heart  and  soul  for  the  Russian  people.  .  .  .  Roulevsky 
listened  condescendingly  and  shook  his  head  in  dignified  fashion. 
If  only  Kozireff  had  known  that  he  was  talking  with  the  book- 
keeper of  the  Northwestern  Railroad ! 

"The  second  eschalon  has  gone  over  to  the  Louzhsky  garri- 
son." 

"The  third,  also." 

"Fine.    When  will  you  start?" 

"The  fourth  is  stubborn ;  we  are  sending  a  deputation  to 
Gatchina  to  convert  them." 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  the  Vindavskaya  is  calling." 

44 


"I  am  Lomonossoff." 

"The  soldiers  refuse  to  obey  the  order  to  resume  the  move- 
ment of  trains.  The  people  are  very  excited.  If  possible,  come 
yourself." 

"Take  me  along,"  Kozireff  begged,  "and  afterward  we  will 
go  to  dinner  at  my  place." 

"Fine.  I  will  then  take  a  flying  trip  to  my  dentist  after 
dinner."  I  rang  up  the  "tooth  puller"  and  then  Kozireff  and  I 
went  out.  The  Vindavskaya  station  was  completely  full  of 
people.  All  were  excited. 

"Gentlemen,  be  patient.  The  movement  of  trains  will  be 
resumed." 

"It's  outrageous,  only  fooling.  Why  was  the  movement  of 
trains  stopped?" 

"So,"  I  thought,  "in  the  city  they  don't  know  anything  about 
Ivanoff.  This  is  good."  We  went  up  to  Pravosudovitch.  An 
officer  ran  in  right  behind  us. 

"The  guards  arrested  the  Commandant  when  he  went  to 
remove  them  and  allow  the  train  to  pass.  They  demand  an 
order  with  the  signature  of  the  President  of  the  Duma  and  the 
Duma  seal." 

"I  will  call  up  the  Duma  immediately.  Send  somebody 
from  the  railroad  there  with  a  soldier." 

I  called  up  the  Duma  and  the  Northwestern  telling  the 
latter  to  run  the  train  on  the  Tzarskoye  branch  and  again  went 
out  to  the  public. 

"Gentlemen,  the  train  will  leave  in  an  hour,  not  before.  In 
an  hour  also  a  train  will  leave  Warsaw  station  for  the  Tzarskoye 
Pavillion.  Those  for  whom  it  is  convenient,  had  better  take  this 
train." 

We  went  to  Kozireit's  and  then  to  the  dentist.  He  filled 
my  tooth  and  wondered  all  the  time  at  my  courage.  In  the  city 
there  was  absolute  quiet;  flags  were  everywhere.  Firing  haid 
ceased.  A  surprisingly  large  number  of  people  were  in  the 
streets. 

At  eight  o'clock  I  returned  to  the  Ministry.     Much  news. 

"Nicholas  II,  at  Pskov  has  appointed  Prince  Lvoff,  Presi- 
dent of  the  Council  of  Ministers  and  as  Supreme  Commander- 
in-Chief — Nicholai  Nicholaievitch  (Grand  Duke  Nicholas).  Lvoff 
has  been  given  the  task  of  forming  a  responsible  Ministry." 

45 


"Too  late.    How  is  Goutchkoff 's  train  ?" 

"Not  far  from  Pskov.  Ivanoff  went  on  to  Petrograd  and  is 
at  present  at  Soosanino  junction.  All  the  switches  have  been 
removed  ahead  of  him." 

Brrrrr Again  about  Ivanoff.  He  had  just  sent  a  pri- 
vate telegram.  The  chief  of  the  junction  was  asking  whether 
he  should  accept  it. 

"Certainly.  Accept  it.  Get  the  money,  but  send  the  tele- 
gram to  me." 

"It  has  been  done." 

"Transmit  the  telegram." 

"Petrograd.  Mokhovaya."  (I  have  forgotten  the  number 
of  the  house  and  the  apartment  as  well  as  the  name  of  the 
addressee.) 

"Go  on !" 

"Mamma  ill.     Papa  better.    Tell  her.     Ivanoff." 

"What  is  this  nonsense?" 

"This  is  a  code,"  said  Lebedeff.  "The  addressee  is  ficti- 
tious— that  is  clear.  It  is  necessary  to  clear  up  who  lives  in  this 
apartment." 

"Dear  friend,  that  isn't  our  business.  Ring  up  the  Duma. 
Call  Commissar  of  Justice  Kerensky  and  tell  him  about  it.  And 
meanwhile,  I  will  ring  up  the  Vindavskaya." 

"Well,  have  you  resumed  the  movement  of  trains?" 

"Just  now.  An  awful  disorganization.  Why  is  the  military 
butting  in?" 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  Kerensky  wants  to  talk  to  you  in 
Boublikoff's  absence." 

"I  am  Lomonossoff." 

"This  telegram  is  very  important.  Please  inform  me  im- 
mediately if  another  follows." 

"Excellent.  When  it  is  possible,  please  confide  their  mean- 
ing to  me." 

"With  pleasure." 

A  package  of  papers  was  brought  in.  I  had  no  time  to  look 
at  them  when  another  telephone  call  came  in. 

"Goutchkoff's  train  is  nearing  Pskov." 

"It  has  arrived." 

"Call  Inspector  Nekrassoff  to  the  telephone." 

"I  am  Nekrassoff.  At  20:42  (8:42  P.  M.)  Goutchkoff  and 
Schulgin  entered  the  Tzar's  car." 

46 


''Gentlemen,"  my  voice  carried  through  two  rooms,  "Goutch- 
koff and  Schulgin  have  entered  the  Tzar's  car.  ...  A  new  era  of 
Russian  history  begins." 

Silence  followed  which  was  broken  in  upon  by  Boublikoff. 

"Connect  me  with  the  Duma.  .  .  ." 

"Goutchkoff  is  already  with  the  Tzar.  .  .  .  Yes.  ...  By 
telephone  to  you  ? — It  shall  be  done.  The  President  of  the  Duma 
begs  to  order  that  the  documents.  .  .  .  Well,  what's  the  use  of 
being  sentimental ;  the  Act  of  Abdication  should  be  transmitted 
here  by  telegraph  immediately  and  then  by  telephone  to  them." 

"By  telegraph  in  code?" 

"What  for?  It's  all  the  same.  It  will  be  in  the  papers  to- 
morrow. And  then?  I'll  ask.  .  .  .  The  Duma.  .  .  .  Yes,  trans- 
mit it  in  code." 

I  called  up  Nekrassoff  and  asked  him  to  inform  Goutchkoff, 
when  he  left  the  Tzar's  car,  of  Rodzianko's  desire 

Another  telegram  from  Ivanoff  to  the  same  addressee: 

"Send  the  second  basket  of  bread." 

"Transmit  it  to  Kerensky." 

Long,  anxious  minutes  passed.  It  was  about  ten  o'clock 
(22).  Nekrassoff  told  me  over  the  telephone  his  adventures  in 
detail,  but  I  hardly  listened  to  him. 

"They  have  left  the  car " 

"Go  quickly  to  Goutchkoff Alexander  Alexandrovitch, 

they  have  left  the  car." 

Twenty  extremely  long  and  anxious  minutes  passed. 

"I  am  Nekrassoff.  Member  of  the  State  Council  Goutch- 
koff has  turned  over  the  Act  of  Abdication  to  the  Commandant 
and  wants  to  talk  to  Commissar  Boublikoff  himself." 

Boublikoff  locked  himself  in  his  office.  In  about  five  minutes 
the  door  opened  widely : 

"I  congratulate  you  .  .  .  Nicholas  has  abdicated.  But  re- 
member, while  this  Act  has  not  been  received  it  is  a  secret.  Not 
a  word." 

In  a  few  minutes,  however,  I  had  disregarded  this  request. 
Ivanoff  again  called  me : 

"In  accordance  with  the  order  of  His  Imperial  Majesty, 
I  order  you  to  allow  me,  with  all  my  eschalons,  to  go  to 
Petrograd." 

"General,  by  order  of  which  Emperor?  Nicholas  II.  has 
abdicated " 

47 


The  conversation  was  suddenly  interrupted.  In  a  few  min- 
utes there  followed  another  request  to  let  the  train  go  back  to 
headquarters.  It  was  physically  impossible  to  hold  up  the  train 
and  I  did  not  feel  like  letting  it  go  to  Headquarters. 

"The  General  demands  an  additional  locomotive." 

"All  right,  give  it  to  him.  But  order  the  water  let  out  of 
both  tenders." 

"Yes,  sir." 

And  thus,  after  traveling  seven  versts,  the  General  was 
stopped  for  the  night  by  his  locomotives  running  out  of  water: 
The  Vindavskaya  naturally  did  not  hasten  to  send  a  relief  loco- 
motive. 

A  call  from  the  Northwestern: 

"Gavaloff  and  Nekrassoff,  by  order  of  Goutchkoff,  ask  that 
the  Imperial  train  be  allowed  to  go  to  Headquarters." 

"Alexander  Alexandrovitch,  a  request  is  made  to  let  Nicholas 
go  to  Headquarters.  This  is  beyond  my  understanding.  Talk 
it  over  with  the  Duma  yourself." 

From  the  next  room  arguing  voices  were  heard 

" — It  is  ordered  to  let  it  through  .  .  .  and  then  they  ask  us 
to  transmit  the  Act  of  Abdication  as  soon  as  possible." 

"Connect  me  with  Nekrassoff.  .  .  Yes,  I  am  Lomonosoff. 
What  about  the  Act  of  Abdication?" 

"The  Commandant  is  coding  it.  I  begged  that  it  be  given 
to  me  to  give  to  you.  He  refused.  I  told  Goutchkoff.  He  said 
that  it  made  no  difference." 

"All  right,  but  why  don't  you  go  back?" 

"Just  for  the  same  reason.  The  Gatchina  soldiers  have  sent 
a  deputy  to  Louga  to  convince  themselves  that  the  eschalons 
have  really  gone  over  to  us.  We  are  waiting.  Goutchkoff  is 
with  General  Russky.  They  are  conferring." 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  the  Duma  is  calling." 

"Hasten  the  transmission  of  the  Act  of  Abdication.  We  are 
waiting.  It  must  be  published  specially." 

"But  where  will  you  publish  it?"  I  asked,  almost  automat- 
ically. 

"Yes,  that  is  a  question.  Our  means  are  quite  limited  and 
the  state  printing  office  is  not  working." 

"Possibly  we  can  help  you.  I  will  inquire  about  our  own 
printing  office."  Incidentally,  the  manager  of  the  printing  office 
happened  to  be  still  at  the  Ministry  at  that  late  hour.  We  dis- 

48 


cussed  the  organizing  of  the  publication  of  this  work.  I  re- 
ported to  the  Duma. 

"But  you  understand  that  this  is  a  secret.  No  one  is  to  know 
about  it  until  publication." 

"All  right.  We  will  let  all  those  go  who  are  not  to  work 
directly  on  the  publication  and  put  a  guard  at  the  printing 
office." 

"That's  fine.  Then  you  will  be  the  first  Revolutionary 
Secretary  of  State." 

"I  am  proud  of  it." 

"As  soon  as  the  text  is  received  send  it  to  the  Duma  and 
begin  to  set  it  up." 

"I  do  not  promise.  The  printers  do  not  come  until  eight 
in  the  morning." 

"All  right.    Only  hurry." 

I  again  rang  up  Pskov. 

"The  Commandant  is  coding  it  very  slowly.  We  will  begin 
transmission  soon."  % 

"The  Imperial  train  has  left." 

"Do  you  know  the  context  of  the  Act  of  Abdication?" 

"I  guess  at  it,  but  cannot  say." 

"Gentlemen,  order  the  Northwestern  to  transmit  this  tele- 
gram directly  here." 

We  waited.     Midnight  was  approaching. 

March  3rd 

Lebedeff  was  again  on  watch.  Arapoff  was  assisting  him. 
Rotmeister  Sosnovsky  went  again  to  look  over  the  guard  in  the 
Minister's  apartment  and  returned  from  there  quite  red  and  ex- 
ceptionally jolly.  He  said  something  incoherent  of  an  attempt 
of  some  soldiers  to  rob  the  Minister's  apartment  which  was 
unoccupied,  as  Trepoff  had  not  yet  removed  his  furniture  and 
Krieger  had  not  yet  moved  in.  I  sent  a  trustworthy  man  to 
find  out  what  was  the  matter.  It  was  true,  there  were  attempts 
to  rob  the  place,  especially  the  cellar.  Our  brave  Rotmeister 
saved  the  cellar  and  as  a  reward,  Mme.  Trepoff  had  ordered 
him  to  be  given  wine  for  his  table.  I  did  not  like  it,  and  told 
Boublikoff  the  whole  story. 

"It  sounds  like  the  truth." 

"What?" 

"That  he  has  been  given  wine  for  his  table." 

49 


"That  is  ...   ?" 

"Do  you  think  that  if  this  brave  young  man  had  succeeded 
in  getting  into  the  cellar  he  would  have  been  able  to  return? 
Mme.  Trepoff  would  not  have  gained  by  that  and  good  wine  she 
has." 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,"  Lebedeff  shouted,  "LobanofT  reports, 
first  that  Goutchkoff  is  leaving,  and  second,  that  they  have 
started  to  transmit  the  Act  of  Abdication.  But  it  is  addressed 
to  Col.  Shakhoff  and  is  coded  in  the  Military  Code." 

"How  is  that  and  who  is  this  Colonel?" 

"The  same  that  sent  the  eschalons." 

"Strange,  very  strange  .  .  .  What  do  you  think,  Alexander 
Alexandrovitch  ?" 

Boublikoff,  yawning,  cursed  in  his  sleep  and  ordered  the 
Duma  called  up.  We  went  away.  After  all  the  trouble  we  had 
gone  through  with  General  Ivanoff  and  waiting  for  the  Act  of 
Abdication  we  were  all  rather  nervous.  We  could  not  work 
and  conversation  flagged. 

"Well,  my  friends,"  said  Boublikoff,  appearing  at  the  door, 
"I  am  going  to  sleep.  It's  a  long  procedure.  Concerning  the 
Act  of  Abdication,  we  are  ordered  to  wait  its  transmission  and 
decoding  by  the  Colonel.  Make  arrangements  with  him  and  as 
soon  as  it  is  ready  send  it  by  automobile  with  two  soldiers  to 
the  Duma.  Yes,  and  when  GoutchkofFs  train  arrives  in  Gat- 
china,  ring  up  the  Duma.  Rodzianko  wants  to  meet  this  old 
adventurer.  And  by  the  way,  the  apartment  to  which  IvanofFs 
telegrams  were  addressed  is  occupied  by  a  member  of  the 
Duma,  Sviatopolk-Mirsky." 

"Is  that  the  same  that  wanted  the  reintroduction  of  serf- 
dom?" 

"Yes,  the  same.  They  arrested  that  fellow.  Evidently  he 
was  acting  the  part  of  go-betwen  for  IvanofT  and  Alexandra 
Feodorovna  (the  Tzarina)." 

BoublikofT  went  to  sleep  and  we  kept  awake.  Finally,  with 
difficulty  we  got  the  Colonel  on  the  telephone.  At  first  he  said 
that  the  Act  of  Abdication  would  be  decoded  in  two  hours, 
but  then  it  appeared  that  it  had  to  be  corrected  by  a  second 
transmission,  as  in  one  place  it  could  not  be  deciphered.  And 
time  kept  on  passing  .  .  .  The  Duma  was  also  anxious  and 
several  times  inquired,  "Then  when  will  it  be  ready?"  I  called 
up  the  Colonel  myself. 

50 


"Well,  Colonel,  may  I  send  an  automobile  for  the  Act  of 
Abdication?" 

"What  automobile?" 

"To  take  it  to  the  Duma." 

"Yes  .  .  .  You  know  the  correction  is  still  going  on.  But, 
pardon  me,  I  don't  clearly  understand,  what  have  you  to  do 
with  it,  Professor?  And  besides  that,  the  telegram  is  addressed 
to  the  Chief  of  Staff.  I  will  report  to  the  superiors.  Ring  up 
in  half  an  hour." 

"The  devil  take  it!  This  is  suspicious.  It  is  clear  that  he 
is  delaying  purposely.  Call  up  the  Northwestern.  Ready? 
Find  out  on  the  telephone  with  whom  Col.  Shakhoff  has  been 
talking  all  this  time.  .  .  .  Aha,  he  has  spoken  several  times  with 
Pskov  and  Alexandrevskaya  .  .  .  Excellent  .  .  .  Disconnect  his 
telephone  .  .  .  What?  He  has  a  city  telephone?  Gregory  Vasili- 
vitch,  call  up  the  city  exchange  and  in  the  name  of  the  Commis- 
sar demand  the  disconnection  of  Col.  Shakhoff's  telephone.  But 
tell  the  Northwestern  that  they  are  to  connect  him  with  us  at 
any  time." 

"It  should  be  reported  to  the  Duma." 

"Possibly." 

I  reported  and  after  the  liberation  decided  at  any  rate  to 
arrest  the  Colonel  and  take  the  Act  of  Abdication.  Soldiers 
and  a  truck  were  sent  from  the  Duma  for  him.  I  asked  that 
some  one  should  go  to  Lobanoff  and  that  the  latter  should 
call  me  up. 

We  waited.  It  was  already  about  five  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing. The  Rotmeister  was  telling  us  some  of  his  impressions  of 
the  war  .  .  .  Brrrrr  .  .  . 

"I  am  Lobanoff.  The  office  of  the  manager  of  troop  move- 
ments is  surrounded  by  your  soldiers.  The  order  for  his  arrest 
has  been  received.  What  are  your  orders?" 

"Enter  and  demand  the  Act  of  Abdication.  If  he  refuses, 
give  a  signal  and  let  the  soldiers  come  in." 

"Yes,  sir." 

"And  connect  me  with  the  Colonel  .  .  .  Hello  .  .  .  Col- 
onel, is  that  you?  What  about  the  Act  of  Abdication?" 

"Strange  thing,  all  my  telephones  are  out  of  order  ..." 

"That  happens,  but  what  about  the  Act?" 

"Almost  ready.     We  are  copying  it"  .  .  . 

51 


"...  One  second,  here  is  Engineer  Lobanoff  .  .  .  Oh,  he 
is  acting  under  your  orders." 

"Are  you  willing,  Colonel,  to  give  the  Act  of  Abdication  to 
Lobanoff  immediately?" 

"You  see  .  .  .  On  account  of  the  telephone  I  wasn't  able 
to  talk  it  over  with  the  superiors.  .  .  ." 

"I  am  simply  informing  you  of  the  orders  of  the  President 
of  the  Duma." 

"I  am  at  loss  ..." 

"Give  the  receiver  to  Lobanoff.  Is  that  you?  Take  all 
copies  away  from  him." 

I  hung  up  the  receiver.  We  waited.  About  ten  long 
minutes  passed. 

"Brrrrr  ...  It  has  been  done.     We  took  it  away." 

"And  what  about  GoutchkofFs  train?" 

"In  about  twenty  minutes  it  will  arrive  in  Gatchina." 

"Thank  you.  Gentlemen,  inform  the  Duma.  Well,  it  seems 
that  all  ... " 

I  began  to  go  over  the  routine  work  of  the  Ministry.  In 
general,  the  aspect  of  the  operation  of  trains  was  very  satis- 
factory. Only  on  the  Southeastern  there  had  been  snow  storms. 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  GoutchkofFs  train  is  arriving.  The 
automobile  from  the  Duma  met  him  but  Rodzianko  did  not 
arrive." 

I  waited.  In  a  quarter  of  an  hour  the  receiver  was  handed 
me.  "Inspector  Nekrassoff  wants  to  talk  to  you." 

"Arrived.  Well,  and  trouble  there  was  with  Gatchina  es- 
chalons.  But  now  they  are  peaceful." 

"You  had  better  tell  me  the  details." 

"The  substance  you  know.  Abdication  in  favor  of  Michael. 
Goutchkoff  says  that  Nicholas  has  always  given  him  the  im- 
pression of  a  man  with  a  small  wooden  soul.  He  was  continu- 
ally interested  in  how  he  was  going  to  live  now.  It  was  wonder- 
ful to  see  that  when  the  Deputies  came  out  from  their  car  the 
soldiers  stood  at  attention.  The  Deputies  wanted  to  talk  it  over 
with  General  Russky  first  but  Nicholas  insisted  that  they  should 
be  taken  directly  to  him.  In  the  car,  beside  the  Tzar,  there 
were  Fredericks  and  Russky.  I  am  awfully  tired.  Good-bye. 
I  will  come  to  you  with  a  report  about  twelve." 

I  was  meditating  ...  It  had  happened.  Nicholas  had  ab- 
dictated  and  Michael  II,  had  succeeded  to  the  throne.  It  is  said 

52 


that  all  this  had  been  foretold  to  him,  as  well  as  that  he  would 
be  the  last  of  the  Romanoffs. 

"Well,  we  must  announce  it  to  the  guard.  "Emperor  Ni- 
cholas has  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  brother  .  .  .  Hooray  for 
His  Majesty,  Michael  II.?  Let  the  Rotmeister  assemble  the 
guard  .  .  .  But  the  abdication  has  not  been  published  .  .  .  and 
then,  how  will  the  people  take  it?  I  will  wait."  All  these 
thoughts  passed  through  my  mind. 

"Listen,  friend,"  I  told  one  of  the  students,  "it  is  too  early 
to  announce  officially  the  abdication  but  you  just  inform  the 
soldiers  that  Nicholas  has  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  brother  and 
casually  overhear  what  they  say." 

The  student  went  out  and  I  again  began  to  meditate.  "What 
will  happen  now?  A  responsible  Ministry  with  the  Octobrist 
Rodzianko  at  its  head?  Rodzianko  will  be  put  in  Golitzin's 
place  and  in  the  place  of  Pokrovsky — Milukoff,  and  that's  all? 
And  then  reforms  and  war?  Reforms  under  Rodzianko's  guid- 
ance, what  sort  of  reforms  will  these  be  ...  ?"  The  student 
returned  confused. 

"Complete  apathy,  Uriy  Vladimirovitch.  No  impression 
whatsoever.  'Horse-radish  is  no  sweeter  than  plain  radish/ 
they  say." 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  the  President  of  the  Duma  is  calling 
you." 

"Yes,  sir.     I  am  Lomonosoff." 

"Where  is  Goutchkoff?" 

"I  don't  know.  He  arrived  an  hour  ago.  I  will  inquire 
immediately." 

"I  will  send  you  immediately  the  Act  of  Abdication.  Pub- 
lish it  right  away." 

"How  many?" 

"About  five  thousand  and  possibly  more,  but  send  the  first 
hundred  immediately  to  the  Duma." 

"Yes,  sir." 

We  called  the  Northwestern. 

"Goutchkoff  is  talking  with  deputations." 

We  called  again. 

"Will  soon  leave." 

It  was  already  about  eight  o'clock  when  we  called  a  third 
time.  None  of  the  superiors  could  be  found.  I  sent  Lebedoff 
and  waited.  The  Duma  called  continuously.  Finally,  a  little 

53 


C  T  A  B  K  a 


B  A  q  a  .ft*  ft  R  R  K  y-      ffl  T  n  tf  a 


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Hcn.u?aHili  17  noMOib  ESSy.Biilcrt  c* 
Hapo^a,T5SBecT:t  PooyAspCTBO  PocoiHcKoe  Ha  ny^k 

n  cjiaaH.Jta  nowoRGTi.  TocnoAb  Bori  Poccln. 
MWH.I9I7  r. 


Facsimile  of  the  original  Act  of  Abdication  of  Nicholas. 


(Translation  of  the  Act  of  Abdication,) 

General  Headquarters. 

To  the  Chief  of  Staff. 

In  the  days  of  the  great  struggle  against  the  foreign  enemy 
who,  for  the  last  three  years,  has  been  trying  to  enslave  the  land 
of  our  birth,  it  has  pleased  Almighty  God  to  lay  a  new  heavy 
burden  upon  Russia.  The  internal  and  popular  disturbances 
which  have  started,  threaten  to  react  badly  upon  the  further 
continuation  of  stubborn  war.  The  fate  of  Russia,  the  honor  of 
our  heroic  army,  the  welfare  of  the  people  and  the  entire  future 
of  our  dear  Fatherland  demand  the  continuation  of  the  war  by 
all  means  to  a  victorious  termination.  The  merciless  enemy 
is  straining  his  last  powers  and  the  hour  is  near  when  our 
heroic  army,  together  with  our  honorable  Allies,  shall  finally 
and  completely  break  the  enemy.  In  these  decisive  days  in  the 
life  of  Russia,  WE  have  determined,  as  a  duty  of  conscience, 
to  help  OUR  people  to  undivided  unity  and  the  concentration 
of  all  the  strength  of  the  people  for  the  swift  attainment  of 
victory,  and,  with  the  approval  of  the  Duma,  WE  have  decided, 
for  the  sake  of  general  welfare,  to  abdicate  from  the  throne  of 
the  Russian  Empire  and  to  remove  from  OURSELF  the  su- 
preme power.  Not  wishing  to  be  separated  from  OUR  beloved 
son,  WE  give  over  OUR  inheritance  to  OUR  brother,  Grand 
Duke  MICHAEL  ALEXANDROVITCH  and  give  HIM  OUR 
blessing  upon  his  ascent  to  the  throne  of  the  Russian  Empire. 
WE  instruct  OUR  brother  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  State 
in  complete  and  inseparable  unity  with  the  representatives  of 
the  people  in  the  legislative  institutions,  on  a  basis  which  will 
be  established  by  them.  Having  given  an  inviolable  oath  in  the 
name  of  our  dearly  beloved  country,  WE  call  upon  all  true  sons 
of  the  Fatherland  to  fulfill  their  holy  duties  toward  HIM,  to 
submit  to  the  Tzar  in  this  hard  moment,  all  the  hardships  of  the 
people,  and  to  help  HIM,  together  with  the  representatives  of 
the  people,  to  lead  the  Russian  Empire  on  the  path  of  victory, 
prosperity  and  honor.  Almighty  God,  help  Russia. 

NICHOLAS. 
City  of  Pskov. 
March  24,  15  hours,  5  minutes.     1917.  * 

Minister  of  the  Imperial  House, 
Adjutant-General  Count  Fredericks. 

*  3.05  P.  M.  55 


after  nine,  having  lost  patience,  I  took  an  automobile  and  went 
to  the  Warsaw  station. 

It  was  a  clear,  frosty  morning;  but  you  could  already  feel 
Spring  in  the  air.  The  city  was  wholly  covered  with  red  flags. 
There  was  a  tremendous  mass  of  people  and  the  nearer  we  got 
to  the  station  the  denser  became  the  masses.  Slowly  the  auto 
crawled  through  this  living  sea  towards  the  station.  Suddenly 
I  saw  Lebedeff  approaching,  walking  slowly  in  his  sporty  fur 
overcoat  with  a  turned-up  collar.  I  gave  a  joyful  cry,  but  he 
was  disturbed  and  motioned  to  me  to  keep  quiet.  I  ordered  the 
chauffeur  to  turn,  which  was  a  difficult  task  in  this  mass  of 
people.  Finally  we  turned  and  on  the  other  side  of  the  bridge, 
in  the  place  where  Pleve  was  killed,  we  caught  up  with  Lebedeff. 
He  stepped  into  the  automobile,  his  face  very  perturbed. 

"Where  is  the  Act?    Where  is  Goutchkoff?" 

"Here  is  the  Act,"  said  Lebedeff  hoarsely,  giving  me  a 
paper.  "Goutchkoff's  arrested  by  the  workmen." 

"What?"  I  stuttered,  putting  the  Act  of  Abdication  into  the 
left-hand  pocket  of  my  coat. 

"I  will  tell  you  all  in  the  Ministry." 

We  silently  entered  Boublikoff's  office.  Dobrovolsky  and 
a  number  of  employees  were  sitting  there. 

"Well,  what?" 

"Nothing,  but  .  .  .  Alexander  Alexandrovitch,  I  have  some- 
thing very  confidential  to  tell  you." 

"Excuse  me,  Gentlemen,  for  one  minute.  No  one  is  to  be 
admitted." 

We  four  remained,  Boublikoff,  Dobrovolsky,  Lebedeff  and 
myself. 

"What  is  the  matter?" 

"Goutchkoff  is  arrested  .  .  .  Here  is  the  Act  of  Abdication." 

As  sensational  as  was  the  news  of  the  arrest  of  Goutchkoff, 
the  eyes  of  all  of  us  focused  upon  the  paper  which  I  placed 
upon  the  table. 

"Finally  got  there  ..."  said  Boublikoff  after  a  few  min- 
utes silence.  "So  we  shall  give  an  oath  to  Michael  .  .  .  ?  Yes, 
but  what  about  Goutchkoff?" 

"When  his  train  arrived  in  Petrograd  a  mob  met  him," 
began  Lebedeff.  "He  delivered  two  speeches  at  the  station  .  .  . 
and  then  went  to  a  meeting  in  the  shops." 

"An  old  adventurer,"  muttered  Boublikoff. 

56 


"When  I  arrived,  he  was  already  in  the  shops  and  Schulgin 
and  a  Member  of  the  Duma,  Lebedeff,  together  with  the  high 
officials  were  sitting  in  the  office  of  the  Chief  of  the  Station. 
It  was  known  that  there  was  unrest  in  the  shops.  The  atmo- 
sphere was  alarming.  Then  it  was  said  from  the  shops  that 
Goutchkoff  had  been  arrested,  that  the  Act  of  Abdication  had 
not  been  found  on  him  and  that  they  were  going  to  search  other 
Deputies  to  destroy  the  Act." 

"What  for?" 

"The  'Comrades'  Bookbinders  want  to  remove  the  Tzar 
and  all  the  rest  .  .  .  An  abdication  is  not  enough  for  them." 

"And  then?" 

"Then  Deputy  Lebedeff  turned  over  the  Act  to  me  and  I 
quietly  and  surreptitiously  ran  away." 

"And  Goutchkoff  and  the  other  Deputies?" 

"I  do  not  know." 

"I  will  talk  it  over  with  Rodzianko  and  you,  gentlemen, 
find  out  what  has  happened  to  the  other  Deputies." 

The  Commissars  shut  themselves  in  and  we  went  to  our  own 
rooms.  The  Act  of  Abdication  actually  burned  my  left  side. 
We  were  informed  by  telephone  that  Goutchkoff  had  been  liber- 
ated and  that,  with  Schulgin  and  Lebedeff,  he  had  gone  to  the 
Duma.  With  this  news  I  went  to  the  Commissars.  They  pre- 
sented a  complete  contrast.  Calm,  I  might  even  say  indifferent, 
Dobrovolsky,  dressed  like  a  fashion  plate,  was  absent-mindedly 
inspecting  his  finger  nails.  Boublikoff,  completely  lost,  untidily 
dressed,  his  face  showing  lack  of  sleep,  was  running  about  the 
room  darting  glances  here  and  there  and  cursing  like  a  pagan. 

From  their  quite  incoherent  words  I  understood  that  in  the 
city  the  situation  was  approximately  the  same  as  at  the  station. 
The  majority  of  workmen  were  against  abdication.  Hot  dis- 
cussions about  it  had  been  going  on  in  the  Duma  between  the 
Committee  and  the  Soviets  since  early  in  the  morning,  or  rather 
since  night.  The  Soviet  had  been  strengthened  by  soldier  de- 
puties. 

"The  Act  of  Abdication  is  being  searched  for  throughout 
the  city.  Possibly  they  will  come  here." 

"Where  is  it?"  asked  Dobrovolsky. 

"In  my  pocket." 

"This  won't  do.     It  must  be  hidden." 

"Put  it  in  a  safe?    Put  a  guard  over  it?" 

57 


"No,  put  it  in  a  most  inconspicuous  place  and  not  in  this 
room.  ...  Of  course,  the  saving  or  destruction  of  this  document 
will  not  change  the  situation,  but  nevertheless  .  .  .  First,  the 
abdication  releases  the  troops  from  their  oath  .  .  .  secondly,  its 
destruction  would  only  give  new  hopes  to  the  black  powers." 

"And  shouldn't  we  take  a  few  copies  of  the  Act  first,  Ana- 
toly  Alexandrovitch  ?"  (Dobrovolsky). 

"Yes,  but  no  one  must  know  about  it.  We  will  make  up 
a  Committee  of  Three  for  the  preservation  of  the  'lost  Act'." 

"No,  of  four.     Lebedeff  saved  it." 

"Correct.     Call  him  in." 

Lebedeff  came  in.  He  was  informed  of  the  situation  and 
we  went  with  him  to  the  Secretariat  room  to  make  copies.  The 
Commissars  began  to  receive  reports  from  the  different  depart- 
ments of  the  Ministry.  Lebedeff  was  dictating  while  I  wrote. 
When  the  copy  was  ready,  I  called  in  the  Commissars.  All  four 
of  us  certified  the  copy  and  we  hid  the  original  between  some  old, 
dusty  official  newspapers  which  were  on  the  bookcase  in  the 
room.  "Now  we  may  begin  to  publish  from  the  copy,"  said  I. 

"No,  it  is  necessary  to  ask  the  Duma,"  argued  Dobrovolsky. 

"What  for?  The  sooner  the  Act  is  published  the  sooner 
this  turmoil  will  end.  And  then  the  composition,  proofreading 
and  publishing  will  require  time  and  beside  that  the  printers 
are  waiting." 

"No,  we  must  ask." 

In  a  few  minutes  an  order  followed :  "Do  not  print,  but  the 
printers  are  not  to  leave."  Counting  the  number  of  words  in 
the  Act  of  Abdication  I  nevertheless  went  to  the  Ministerial 
printing  office  to  confer  with  the  manager  of  it  as  to  how  to 
organize  the  work.  I  was  soon  called  out  from  there. 

A  new  order  from  the  Duma — to  take  the  Abdication  to  21 
Milionaya. 

"What  is  this  for?" 

"That  is  the  apartment  of  Michael  Alexandrovitch."  (Grand 
Duke  Michael).  (Later  it  proved  to  be  the  apartment  of  Prince 
Putiatin,  which  had  been  offered  by  him  to  the  Grand  Duke  for 
his  pourparlers  with  the  representatives  of  the  Committee  of  the 
Duma.) 

"Do  as  you  please,  gentlemen,"  I  protested.  "But  after  the 
Abdication  has  once  been  in  such  danger,  to  subject  it  to  such 

58 


danger  a  second  time  is  unpardonable.  Michael  will  believe 
our  copy." 

So  it  was  decided.  Lebedeff  took  a  copy  to  that  address. 
From  the  Duma  they  called  again  and  said  that  we  would  re- 
ceive the  order  for  publication  from  the  apartment  on  the  Mi- 
lionaya. 

In  the  printing  shop  everything  was  in  readiness.  We 
waited.  LebedefT  called. 

"I  turned  over  the  copy.  The  conference  began.  I  was 
asked  to  wait  to  return  the  copy  to  you  for  publication.  Our 
telephone  is  so  and  so." 

We  were  getting  inquiries  as  to  the  situation  from  all  parts 
of  Russia.  We  decided  not  to  answer  until  the  result  of  the  con- 
ference in  the  Milionaya  should  be  known. 

"What  is  going  on  there?"  We  called  up.  LebedefT  gave 
evasive  answers.  Evidently  he  did  not  want  to  speak  on  the 
telephone.  BoublikofT  sent  Sidelnikoff  there.  Our  entire  at- 
tention was  concentrated  on  Milionaya.  The  conversation  in- 
voluntarily turned  to  the  events  possibly  taking  place  there. 
The  basic  question,  just  as  in  the  morning',  was  the  same:  "Ab- 
dication or  removal?"  Michael  could  abdicate  also.  Only  one 
man,  Roulevsky,  was  determined  upon  removal,  and  then  only 
conditionally.  All  the  rest  were  for  abdication.  Of  course,  re- 
moval was  much  more  effective  and  more  spectacular.  But  who 
is  to  think  of  spectacles  at  present?  The  country  was  at  war 
and  removal  would  only  cause  conflicts  in  the  army.  No.  Ab- 
dication and  only  abdication.  And  what  then?  Practically  all 
of  us  were  for  a  Constitutional  Monarchy. 

"The  people  need  a  Tzar.  They  are  used  to  the  symbol. 
Now,  under  the  presure  of  events,  we  may  make  up  almost  any 
sort  of  a  Constitution  that  suits  us." 

"You  don't  live  by  a  Constitution.  You  must  also  put  life 
in  order.  At  present  we  have  a  problem  and  warfare  ..." 

"Do  you  know  what  the  soldiers  say  about  Michael  ?  'Horse 
radish  is  no  sweeter  than  plain  radish  .  .  .'  Michael  or  Alexis, 
it's  all  the  same.  The  peasant  has  only  one  thought — land." 

"A  Parliamentary  regime  means  extensive  reforms,  univers- 
al ballot,  land  reforms  first  of  all,  and  the  Tzar  is  a  historic 
emblem  of  power." 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  you  are  asked  to  come  to  the  print 
shop." 

59 


I  went.  It  wjas  already  about  two  o'clock.  The  printers 
were  protesting.  I  tried  to  explain  and  convince  them  of  the 
historic  importance  of  the  moment  and  gave  them  money  for 
dinner. 

Returning  from  the  print  shop,  I  found  Inspector  Nekras- 
soff.  He  told  in  detail  of  his  journey  with  Goutchkoff.  Of  most 
interest,  of  course,  was  the  incident  of  the  arrest. 

"We  came  to  the  meeting.  One  orator  after  another  spoke. 
GoutchkofF  went  over  to  the  Chairman.  At  first  he  was  polite 
and  asked  him  to  wait  and  then  he  said,  'Who  are  you?'  'I  am 
Member  of  the  State  Council  Goutchkoff.'  'How  can  you  prove 
it?'  Goutchkoff  began  to  explain  but  the  mass  of  people  began  to 
shout,  'Arrest  him,  arrest  him!'  At  this  time  I  jumped  up  on  the 
table  and  began  to  argue  that  all  Russia  knew  Goutchkoff  and 
that  we  had  brought  with  us  the  Act  of  Abdication  .  .  .  Pour- 
parlers began.  We  were  politely  kept  another  twenty  minutes 
and  then  liberated." 

Lebedeff  appeared. 

"Well,  what,  what?" 

"Michael  has  abdicated  in  favor  of  the  Constituent  Assem- 
bly. Nekrassoff  is  writing  the  act.  A  Provisional  Government 
will  be  formed."  Boublikoff  was  informed  of  the  same  from 
the  Duma.  Prince  Lvoff  was  to  be  at  the  head  of  the  Provisional 
Government.  Evidently  the  Duma  had  decided  upon  it  some 
time  ago  and  that  fact,  namely  that  Prince  Lvoff  was  appointed 
by  the  Tzar  President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers,  points  to  the 
fact  that  between  the  Duma  and  Nicholas  II,  there  were  certain 
relations  unknown  to  us.  Most  likely,  the  communication  had 
been  through  General  Russky  by  telephone  between  Pskov  and 
General  Headquarters. 

"And  thus  the  monarchy  in  Russia  has  fallen,"  I  said,  full 
of  thought. 

"Doubtful,"  answered  Lebedeff.  "Michael,  by  his  gentle- 
manly action,  has  considerably  strengthened  his  chances  for 
election." 

"Possibly  .  .  .  Tell  us  the  details." 

"The  apartment  is  quite  plain.  Two  maids  were  serving 
breakfast  as  though  nothing  had  happened." 

"Did  you  see  Michael?" 

"I  did.  His  appearance  was  quite  contented.  He  was  walk- 
ing around  the  room  unperturbed.  It  was  not  even  necessary 

60 


to  argue  with  him.  'You,  gentlemen,  see  better  what  is  the  wish 
of  the  people/  ' 

"Who  sees  it?  The  people,  as  Pushkin  says,  are  inarticu- 
late. Petrograd  is  not  the  whole  of  Russia." 

But  in  general  the  feeling  was  one  of  joy  and  exaltation,  as 
in  a  dream.  Provisional  Government,  Constituent  Assembly 
...  all  holy  words  and  here  they  were  being  transformed  into 
life. 

I  went  into  the  Commissar's.  Boublikoff  was  just  finishing 
a  conversation  with  somebody  on  the  telephone.  He  hung  up 
the  receiver  and  began  to  laugh. 

'Guess  with  whom  I  have  just  been  talking." 

'I  don't  know." 

'With  former  Minister  Trepoff.     He  begs  to  be  arrested." 

'What  for?" 

'He  says  it  is  frightful.  Soldiers  may  break  in.  ...  Tell 
the  Rotmeister  to  send  soldiers." 

"Alexander  Alexandrovitch,  Trepoff  wants  to  speak  to  you 
again." 

"I  listen.  .  .  .  Krivoshein  and  your  brother  have  come  to 
you.  ...  I  understand.  .  .  .  Arrest  them  also?  With  pleasure." 

Not  an  hour  had  elapsed  before  our  involuntary  guests  had 
arrived.  They  were  brought  into  the  Commissar's  and  offered 
tea.  It  was  getting  dark.  The  rays  of  the  setting  sun  were  giv- 
ing the  room  a  fiery  red  illumination.  The  guests  felt  wonderful. 
.  .  .  Brrrrr!  Boublikoff  was  informed  from  the  Duma  of  the 
composition  of  the  Provisional  Government.  All  were  atten- 
tion. He  dictated  freely. 

"The  President — Prince  Lvoff.  He  is  also  Minister  of  the 
Interior.  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs — Milukoff.  Military  and 
Naval — Goutchkoff.  Agriculture — Shingareff.  Finance — Tere- 
shtchenko.  Who?  Michael  Ivanovitch?  Yes,  Tereshtchenko. 
Commerce — Konovaloff.  Ways  of  Communication — Nekras- 
soff.  Justice — Kerensky.  State  Comptroller — Vladimir  Lvoff. 
Education — not  yet  known. 

All  were  silent. 

The  first  that  broke  the  silence  was  Krivoshein.  Not  speak- 
ing to  anyone,  he  said,  "This  government  has  one  serious  .  .  . 
very  serious  fault.  It  is  entirely  too  conservative  .  .  .  Yes,  con- 
servative. Two  months  ago  it  would  have  satisfied  everybody. 
It  would  have  saved  the  situation.  Now  it  is  too  moderate  and 

61 


in  this  is  its  weakness.  Now  you  want  power  .  .  .  and  thus, 
gentlemen,  you  are  sacrificing  not  only  your  child,  revolution, 
but  our  common  Fatherland,  Russia." 

I  was  surprised  at  the  words  of  this  old  Minister  of  the 
Tzar,  experienced  as  he  was  in  life.  One  heard  in  them  not  only 
wisdom  but  real  truth  as  well.  Possibly,  besides  that,  my  egotism, 
that  of  a  practical  "creator"  was  hurt.  But  the  whole  composi- 
tion of  this  Ministry  did  not  please  me.  Pray,  what  kind  of  a 
Minister  of  Finance  was  Tereshtchenko?  A  nice,  cultured  youth, 
always  nicely  dressed,  who  was  employed  in  a  ballet  and  had 
tremendous  success  with  ballet  girls.  But  what  were  Finances 
to  him  and  what  was  he  to  Finances?  Russian  Finances,  un- 
balanced by  the  war?  And  Nekrassoff  was  a  Cadet,  a  Constitu- 
tional Democrat,  an  idealist  ...  a  Professor  of  Statistics  of 
Construction  who  was  acquainted  with  railroads  in  his  student 
years  and  in  the  Duma.  .  .  .  Could  one  compare  him  with 
Krieger?  And  why  should  they  not  take  BoublikofF  or  Dobro- 
volsky  from  the  same  Duma?  Or,  from  our  midst,  Voskre- 
sensky,  Schmitt  ...  or  even  ShingarefT  who  unquestionably 
is  a  man  of  brains?  But  he  is  by  education  a  physician  and  in 
the  Duma  was  only  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Finance. 
And  what  had  this  to  do  with  Agriculture  and  Settlements? 
The  same  Krivoshein  is  so  much  more  able  than  he.  ...  No. 
It  was  wrong. 

Vaguely  I  formulated  my  thoughts. 

"Yes,  all  are  platform  social  workers,"  answered  Krivoshein, 
rather  to  my  thoughts  than  to  my  words.  "The  roles  have 
changed.  You,  gentlemen,  accept  the  Ministerial  posts  and  we 
will  work  in  social  organizations  .  .  .  and  criticise  you." 

"Only  that  your  criticism  will  be  based  on  experience.  It 
is  one  thing  to  talk  and  another  to  know  what  is  practicable  and 
what  is  not." 

From  the  Duma  they  telephoned  that  both  the  Acts  of  Abdi- 
cation should  be  printed  on  one  sheet.  I  called  up  the  Milionaya. 
Sidelnikoff  had  already  left.  With  the  Rotmeister  I  sent  down 
to  the  printing  office  and  we  stationed  the  guard,  a  measure,  as 
the  future  showed, — wholly  unnecessary.  At  three  o'clock  the 
Council  of  Soldiers'  and  Workmen's  Deputies  had  already  issued 
a  hand  bill :  "Nicholas  II  has  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  brother, 
Michael,  and  he,  in  his  turn,  has  abdicated  in  favor  of  the  people." 
I  first  read  to  the  compositors  the  abdication  of  Nicholas.  They 

62 


listened  attentively.  One  old  man  was  crossing  himself.  I  then 
began  to  dictate  word  after  word  to  six  compositors.  I  was 
called  to  the  telephone  which  was  guarded  by  a  sentry. 

"Please,  come  up." 

I  gave  the  dictation  to  a  student  and  went  upstairs.  There 
were  Sidelnikoff  and  my  old  colleague,  Baron  V.  B.  Tisenhausen. 

"Let's  have  the  Act  of  Abdication." 

"It's  not  here.  Taken  to  the  Duma.  They  will  turn  it  over 
later.  Set  up  the  first." 

"It  is  being  set  up.  What  are  you  doing  here,  my  dear 
Baron?" 

"I  came  to  ask  to  be  allowed  to  work  for  the  Revolution." 

"Excellent.  Come  with  me  as  an  assistant  in  the  composing 
room.  Let  us  go  there." 

Having  regulated  the  work  in  the  composing  room,  I  again 
went  upstairs.  Evening  set  in.  The  electric  lights  were  burn- 
ing. Sidelnikoff  was  relating  his  impressions. 

"I  sat  in  the  hall  an  hour,  another  hour.  I  began  to  get 
bored.  An  elderly  man  in  a  coat  came  over  to  me.  We  began 
to  talk  and  then  he  introduced  himself.  Grand  Duke  Nicholas 
Michailovitch.'  *  I  also  bowed  and  introduced  myself  as  Coun- 
selor at  Law  Sidelnikoff  and  we  continued  our  convention.  'How 
many  times/  he  said,  'have  I  explained  to  him,  the  fool,  how  this 
would  end.  He  didn't  listen  to  me  and  here  is  where  he  is.  In 
December,  for  our  own  sakes,  all  we  Grand  Dukes  sent  him  a 
deputation :  'Imprison  your  wife,  form  a  responsible  Ministry/ 
He  didn't  even  listen.  He  was  always  without  a  will  and  his 
wife  took  away  the  last  he  had.  .  .  ." 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  the  eschalons  on  the  Vindavskaya  are 
destroying  the  station." 

"Well,  now  they  can  be  taken  to  their  destination." 

The  same  disturbances  took  place  on  the  Nicholaievskaya. 

"  'When  wood  is  cut,  splinters  fly.'  People  break  loose  some- 
times. Call  up  the  Duma  and  let  them  sign  the  Act  of  Abdi- 
cation." 

"Prince  Lvoff  has  the  Act  of  Abdication  and  he  will  not 
arrive  at  the  Duma  before  eight  o'clock.  The  first  meeting  of 
the  Council  of  Ministers  will  take  place  at  eight." 

In  a  few  moments  there  came  another  call.  They  asked  us 
to  bring  to  the  meeting  the  original  of  the  Abdication  of  Nicho- 

*  A  well  known  historian. 

63 


By  order  of  the  Committee  of  Members  of  the  Duma,  I 
recommend  that  Automobile  No.  1717  with  the  chauffeur  Ivan 
Rogovsky  be  allowed  to  pass  throughout  the  city  and  into  the 
yard  of  the  Ministry  of  Ways  of  Communication. 

By  order  of  the  Committee  of  the  Duma. 
Official  Seal.  Member  of  the  Duma  Boublikoff. 

3-3-17.  Chief  of  Guard  Rotmeister  Sosnovsky. 

64 


las.  Having  consulted  with  Boublikoff,  we  decided  that  I,  ac- 
companied by  Sidelnikoff,  should  take  the  "lost  Act"  to  the 
Duma  and  hand  it  to  the  Head  of  the  Government,  Prince  LvofT. 

I  ran  again  into  the  composing  room,  talked  again  with  the 
railroads  and  then  we  began  to  look  for  the  Act  of  Abdication. 
It  was  not  to  be  found.  .  .  .  Here  was  a  case.  A  second  time, 
a  third  time.  ...  I  felt  cold  perspiration  on  my  back.  I  began 
to  shake  every  newspaper  separately.  Heavens,  from  one  of 
them  the  Act  fell  out. 

We  w,ent.  The  automobile  traveled  very  rapidly.  On  the 
Vladimirskaya  we  were  stopped  by  soldiers. 

"Get  out.    The  automobile  is  needed  for  a  special  purpose." 

"We  are  also  going  on  special  business.  Here  is  a  pass  for 
the  automobile."  * 

"I  am  an  Assistant  Commissar.  I  am  going  to  a  meeting 
of  the  Council  of  Ministers." 

The  soldiers  began  a  consultation. 

"Let  them  go,  the  madmen!" 

We  went  on.  At  the  Duma,  notwithstanding  the  late  hour 
there  were  many  people.  There  was  no  guard.  I  entered  the 
half  dark  Ekaterininsky  Hall,  dirty,  covered  with  spit.  Here  in 
the  hall  were  people  selling  cigarettes,  confectionery  and  all 
sorts  of  rubbish.  Everyone  of  them  had  established  a  stand. 
There  were  plenty  of  people  conversing  in  groups.  Soldiers 
were  predominating.  In  the  center  of  the  hall  Professor  Art- 
emeff  was  standing  agitatedly.  He  ran  to  me  and  began  to 
explain  the  significance  of  the  events.  I  finally  got  rid  of  him. 
I  inquired  where  the  Duma  Committee  was,  where  were  the 
ministers,  nobody  knew.  I  was  sent  from  one  place  to  another. 
Finally  it  was  explained  to  me  that  I  should  go  to  the  main 
entrance  in  the  left  wing.  We  went  through  a  corridor.  ...  At 
one  of  the  doors  Junkers  were  standing  guard.  "Well,"  I 
thought,  "this  is  the  place."  They  said  "Yes,"  but  would  not 
admit  us  under  any  consideration.  The  situation  was  a  stupid 
one.  It  was  already  half  past  nine. 

Suddenly  the  door  opened  and  there  appeared  my  old  ac- 
quaintance, Deputy  Lashkevitch  from  KharkofF.  I  took  him 
aside  and  explained  the  situation.  He  took  us  to  a  small  room 
where  Deputies  and  Ministers  were  sitting  around  in  groups. 
At  the  right  there  was  a  door  into  another  room.  These  two 
rooms  were  the  headquarters  of  the  Committee  of  the  Duma? 

*  See  preceding  page. 

65 


Why  had  Ro.dzianko  left  his  beautiful  office?  Why  was  the 
Committee  hiding  itself  in  the  back  rooms?  I  felt  hurt. 

"Gentlemen,"  announced  Lashkevitch,  "the  Abdication  of 
Nicholas  has  been  brought  here." 

MilukofT,  NabokofF,  Vladimir  Lvoff  and  Godneff  came  over 
to  us  and  began  to  examine  the  Act  of  Abdication.  The  others 
continued  their  conversations.  Undecisiveness  made  itself  felt. 
I  had  gone  to  the  sanctum  of  the  Russian  Revolution,  to  heroes, 
and  had  found  frightened  pigmies.  In  our  Ministry  life  was  in 
full  swing.  Here  was  a  dead  kingdom  and  I  felt  lost.  It  wras  as 
painful  as  though  I  had  suddenly  come  upon  the  burial  of  a  dead 
friend. 

.  .  .  To  the  burial  of  my  dream. 

NekrassofT  noticed  me  from  the  room.  He  came  over  and 
asked  me  what  I  was  doing  there. 

"I  have  brought  the  Abdication  of  Nicholas." 

"Let  me  have  it." 

"Pardon  me,  but  I  will  give  it  either  to  the  President  of  the 
Council  of  Ministers,  as  head  of  the  Russian  Government,  or  to 
the  Minister  of  Justice,  as  Attorney-General." 

"But  they  are  not  here.  You  probably  have  plenty  to  do  at 
your  Ministry.  And  then,  I  am  your  superior." 

"In  the  first  place,  you  have  not  yet  taken  office  as  Minister 
of  Ways  of  Communication.  Secondly,  I  agreed  with  the  others 
to  turn  it  in  to  the  head  of  the  government  and  thirdly,  I  must 
get  from  Prince  LvofT  the  text  of  Michael's  Abdication." 

"Well,  do  as  you  please."  He  shrugged  his  shoulders  and 
went  into  the  other  room. 

Sidelnikoff  and  I  looked  at  each  other.  Laughter  could  be 
seen  in  his  eyes. 

It  was  already  about  ten  o'clock  and  the  Prince  had  not  yet 
arrived.  Shingareff  and  Tereshtchenko  arrived  and  then  came 
Konovaloff.  From  their  conversation  I  understood  that  there 
had  been  two  more  appointments :  Stakhevitch  as  Minister  of 
Finland,  and  Kokoshkin  as  Minister  of  Poland.  One  of  the 
Ministers  asked  me  how  Kokoshkin  could  be  brought  to  Petro- 
grad  immediately. 

"He  is  required  at  tomorrow's  meeting." 

"Quite  plain.  About  eleven  o'clock  an  express  train  is  leav- 
ing Moscow.  In  the  morning  he  will  be  in  Petrograd.  I  will 
order  him  a  compartment." 

66 


''He  will  probably  not  make  the  eleven  o'clock  train." 

"Then  I  will  order  a  special  train  if  it  is  necessary." 

All  looked  at  each  other. 

"How  long  will  that  take?" 

"Well,  to  order  the  train,  about  five  or  six  minutes.  But 
please  make  arrangements  with  Kokoshkin  by  telephone  and  tell 
me  the  exact  time  he  will  leave.  Otherwise  we  wrill  cripple 
traffic." 

In  about  five  minutes,  Kokoshkin  notified  us  by  telephone 
that  he  would  be  ready  at  two  o'clock. 

"It  is  immaterial  wrhether  it  is  two  or  three.  The  special 
train  will  connect  with  the  whole  series  of  expresses  just  the 
same.  I  will  immediately  give  orders  by  telephone  for  three 
o'clock.  But  please  *notify  Kokoshkin  not  to  hold  up  the  train 
for  one  minute." 

I  began  to  dictate  on  the  telephone  :  "Petrograd.  To  Nicho- 
laievskaya.  N.*  I  beg  that  a  special  train  be  made  up  on  March 
4th,  for  Minister  Kokoshkin,  from  Moscow  to  Petrograd,  to  con- 
sist of  one  car,  first  class,  to  leave  Moscow  about  three.  Passenger 
arriving  in  Petrograd  about  eleven.  Tickets  as  per  number  of 
passengers.  Inform  Minister  Kokoshkin  by  telephone  in  Mos- 
cow of  the  exact  time  of  departure  ..."  I  turned  to  ask  the  num- 
ber of  the  telephone.  The  surprise  and  dread  with  which  the 
Ministers  regarded  me  as  I  was  performing  this  simple  opera- 
tion of  ordering  a  train  was  worth  seeing.  About  half  past  ten 
Prince  Lvoff  showed  up,  frightened  and  completely  lost.  He 
brought  the  Abdication  of  Michael. 

We  waited  for  Kerensky  a  short  time  and  then  sat  down. 
In  order  to  dismiss  us  (myself  and  Sidelnikoff)  they  began  with 
the  question  of  publishing  the  Acts  of  Abdication. 

"What  shall  we  call  these  documents?" 

"In  reality  these  are  the  manifestos  of  two  Emperors,"  said 
Milukoff. 

"But  Nicholas,"  answered  Nabokorf,  "has  given  his  abdica- 
tion another  form — that  of  a  telegram  to  the  Chief  of  Staff.  We 
cannot  change  this  form.  .  .  ." 

"Right.  But  the  one  of  decisive  importance  is  the  Abdica- 
tion of  Michael  Alexandrovitch.  It  is  written  in  your  hand, 
Vladimir  Dmitrievitch  (Nabokoff),  and  we  can  form  it  in  any 


Chief  and  Director-General  of  Railroads. 

67 


\ 


4&f^^  ^ 


'4&&&!&£s  ^^^y^^f^. 
-?&&&&%**? 


r 


3/777; 


(Translation  of  the  Act  of  abdication.) 

A  heavy  task  has  been  laid  upon  ME  by  MY  BROTHER, 
who  has  given  over  to  ME  the  Imperial  Russian  throne  in  a  year 
of  an  unheard  of  war  and  of  popular  discontent. 

Having  the  same  thought  as  all  other  people,  that  above 
everything  is  the  welfare  of  OUR  COUNTRY,  I  have  decided 
to  accept  the  supreme  power  only  on  the  condition  that  it  should 
be  the  will  of  our  great  people,  expressed  through  their  repre- 
sentatives in  the  Constituent  Assembly  elected  by  universal 
ballot  to  establish  the  form  of  government  and  new  basic  laws 
for  the  Russian  Empire. 

Therefore,  calling  for  the  blessing  of  God,  I  ask  all  citizens 
of  the  Russian  Empire  to  submit  to  the  Provisional  Government 
which  has  been  created  by  the  initiative  of  the  Duma  and  which 
has  complete  power  until  the  election  of  the  Constituent  As- 
sembly, which  election  will  take  place  as  soon  as  possible  on  the 
basis  of  universal,  direct,  equal  and  secret  balloting  and  will 
determine  the  form  of  government  and  disclose  the  will  of  the 
People.  MICHAEL. 

March  3,  1917. 
Petrograd. 

way.  Write:  'We,  by  grace  of  God,  Michael  II,  Emperor  and 
Autocrat  of  All-Russia,  Tzar  of  Poland,  Grand  Duke  of  Finland, 
etc.,  etc.,  hereby  make  known  to  all  our  loyal  subjects:  the  hard 
times 

"Please,  please,  but  he  did  not  rule." 

A  lively  debate  ensued. 

"From  the  moment  of  the  Abdication  of  Nicholas,  Michael 
was  the  actual,  lawful  Emperor  .  .  .  Michael  II,"  Nekrassoff 
argued.  "He  was  Emperor  almost  twenty-four  hours.  .  .  .  He 
only  refused  to  accept  the  supreme  power." 

"Since  there  was  no  power  there  was  no  rule." 

"You  are  dreadfully  mistaken.  What  about  the  Emperors 
who  were  feeble-minded  and  minors?" 

The  debate  went  deeply  into  state  law.  Milukoff  and  Nabo- 
koff  foamed  at  the  mouth  trying  to  prove  that  the  Abdication 
of  Michael  had  a  lawful  significance  only  if  it  was  agreed  that 
he  was  Emperor.  March  4th. 

Midnight  found  us  in  this  debate.  Finally,  about  two 
o'clock,  an  understanding  was  reached.  NabokofT  wrote  on  two 
pieces  of  pat^r  the  titles  of  the  Acts. 

69 


I. 

Act 

of  Abdication  of  the  Emperor  Nicholas  II,  from  the  throne 
of  the  Russian  Empire  in  favor  of  the  Grand  Duke,  Michael 
Alexandrovitch. 


/-»  c^ 


^^^K^/^^^^^    &&0~ 

-^K^^S^^  -&fyy&*£#^'^ 


II. 

Act 

of  Grand  Duke  Michael  Alexandrovitch  refusing  acceptance 
of  the  supreme  power  and  acknowledging  the  full  power 
of  the  Provisional  Government  created  upon  the  initiative 
of  the  Duma. 

70 


Above  these  few  lines  a  heading  may  be  placed,  "The  result 
of  the  first  six  hours'  work  of  the  Provisional  Government." 
With  what  bitterness  I  rode  to  the  Ministry.  "If  this  sort  of 
talk  is  going  on  in  the  Cabinet,  what  will  it  be  like  in  the  Soviet? 
And  what  will  be  the  position  of  this  new  institution  while  the 
Cabinet  exists?  How  will  they  be  able  to  live  side  by  side? 
They  must  either  converge  into  some  sort  of  covenant  or  one 
must  dissolve  the  other." 

I  arrived  at  the  Ministry  ab'out  three  o'clock.  There  I 
found  my  wife  who  had  come  to  see  me  and  had  brought  me 
supper.  She  had  been  waiting  for  me  since  eleven  o'clock. 
Baron  Tisenhausen  had  been  keeping  her  company  and  scolded 
me  for  being  away  so  long.  First  of  all,  I  ran  with  Tisenhausen 
to  the  print  shop  to  arrange  the  setting  up  of  the  second  Abdica- 
tion. After  that  I  returned  to  my  wife.  We  talked  a  little  while 
and  then  she  went  to  spend  the  night  at  the  Tisenhausen's.  I, 
on  the  other  hand,  went  to  a  room  in  which  there  was  a  divan 
and  called  in  Boublikof?  to  share  my  supper.  In  the  package  I 
found  a  chicken,  pie,  and  a  half  bottle  of  Madeira.  Boublikoff 
made  me  wait  for  some  time. 

"Excuse  me,  I  was  talking  with  the  Duma." 

We  ate  and  drank. 

"Your  health.  We  must  talk  seriously.  I  have  had  a  long 
conversation  with  Rodzianko.  Probably  Nekrassoff  will  become 
Minister  of  Education  and  I  will  remain  here." 

"I  can  only  congratulate  .  .  .  not  you,  but  Russia." 

"Yes,  the  question  is  one  of  assistants.  You  I  will  ask  to 
remain  in  your  place,  that  is,  to  be  the  Chief  Assistant  Minister. 
Another  Assistant  I  also  have  in  view,  but  who  is  to  be  the 
Director-General  of  Railways?" 

"Thanks,  Alexander  Alexandrovitch.  But  allow  me  to  be 
quite  open  with  you.  First  of  all,  I  would  not  like  to  receive 
anything  for  my  participation  in  the  revolution.  Secondly,  I  do 
not  think  that  I  would  be  a  good  Assistant  Minister,  even  with 
you.  It  seems  to  me  that  if  it  is  necessary  to  utilize  me,  place 
me  as  Director-General  or  even  as  Chief  of  the  Nicholaievskaya 
Railroad.  I  know  it." 

"And  who  will  be  Assistant  Minister?" 

"Voskresensky." 

"He  will  not  consent.  He  was  to  be  a  member  of  the 
Ministry." 

71 


"I  think  he  will." 

"Talk  it  over  with  him  on  the  telephone." 

The  conversation  dragged  on  until  daybreak.  We  were 
compiling  lists  of  appointments  and  discharges  and  discussing 
our  first  steps.  I  was  called  out  a  few  times  during  this  period 
to  the  composing  room. 

And  nevertheless,  I  felt  a  certain  bitterness.  It  would  be 
said  that  I  had  staked  my  head,  not  for  my  country,  but  for  a 
career. 

Towards  morning  the  Acts  of  Abdication  were  printed.  Part 
of  them  was  sent  to  the  Duma,  another  part  by  my  wife  to 
Tzarskoye,  and  a  third  part  I  myself  took  to  the  Ministry  of  the 
Interior,  distributing  some  to  the  people  on  the  street.  Firing 
had  completely  ceased.  It  was  a  sunny  day.  The  streets  were 
overflowing  with  people  and  there  was  general  joy. 

On  the  way  an  idea  occurred  to  me  to  send  a  few  hundred 
copies  of  the  Acts  for  distribution  at  all  the  stations  and  shops 
of  the  railroads.  The  idea  was  original.  I  wanted  to  send  them 
with  a  proclamation  to  my  own  people  so  as  to  see  what  was 
going  on  there. 

Boublikoff  sanctioned  my  idea. 

"That's  good,"  he  said,  "but,  you  know,  we  ought  to  tele- 
graph first." 

"All  right.  I  will  write  the  text."  And  in  five  minutes  1 
gave  Boublikoff  the  text  of  the  telegram  given  below. 

"What's  the  matter?"  asked  Dobrovolsky  who  entered  the 
room. 

Boublikoff  gave  him  the  telegram. 

"I  suppose  I  have  to  sign  it  too." 

"Please  do." 

They  signed  it,  but  I  forgot  to  change  the  singular  for  the 
plural  and  it  was  transmitted  thus : 

To  all  N. 

Notify  on  line :  Emperor  Nicholas  abdicated  the  throne 
on  March  2,  in  favor  of  Grand  Duke  Michael  Alexandro- 
vitch.  The  Grand  Duke,  on  March  3,  refused  to  accept  the 
supreme  power  until  the  establishment  of  a  form  of  govern- 
ment by  a  Constituent  Assembly  convened  on  the  basis  of 
universal,  direct,  equal  and  secret  balloting.  He  has  ap- 
pealed to  all  citizens  to  submit  to  the  Provisional  Govern- 

72 


ment  created  by  the  Duma,  which  Government  has  full 
power  until  the  Constituent  Assembly  shall  decide  upon  the 
form  of  government.  The  President  of  the  Council  of  Min- 
isters is  Prince  Lvoff.  Minister  of  Ways  of  Communica- 
tion, Nekrassoff.  The  Act  of  Abdication  is  being  sent.  Com- 
plete order  in  the  capital. 

Member  and  Commissar  of  the  Duma, 

BOUBLIKOFF. 

DOBROVOLSKY. 

Yes,  the  capital  was  more  or  less  quiet  but  this  could  not 
be  said  of  even  the  nearest  stations.  Here,  for  instance,  is  a 
portion  of  a  report  of  the  Chief  of  the  Station  at  Oredezh  which 
was  submitted  to  me  by  Pravosudovitch : 

I  earnestly  beg  of  you  to  do  something  to  safeguard 
the  line  and  especially  the  station  of  Oredezh  from  pillage 
by  drunken  and  hungry  soldiers.     The  eschalons,  as  though 
purposely,  are  being  held  up  in  Oredezh  either  because  of 
the  shortage  of  locomotives  or  because  the  brigades  refuse 
to  go.     All  the  stores  were  pillaged  today.     An  attempt  to 
loot  the  former  provision  station  was  prevented  by  my  per- 
sonal appeal  to  the  troops.    All  the  employees  are  terrorized  ( 
and  their  last  piece  of  bread  is  taken  away  from  them.     To  I 
many  brigades  I  have  given  out  bread  which  they  actually  ' 
did  not  need  but  for  whom  it  \vas  a  certain  emphatic  pro- 
test that  we  must  feed  them,  otherwise  .  .  .  etc. 

Yesterday  Locomotive  No.  3  arrived  carrying  fifteen 
drunken  s'oldiers  who  had  been  shooting  all  the  way  from 
Viritza.  The  employees  refuse  to  go  to  work  in  the  day 
time  for  fear  of  being  shot. 

Please  report  to  the  Director  that  he  should  inspect 
the  lines  and  encourage  the  employees  in  their  present  diffi- 
cult task.  We  must  refuse  to  deliver  bread  to  Petrograd 
because,  as  it  is,  so  much  dough  has  been  lost  before  it 
could  be  baked,  on  account  of  the  rioting  of  the  soldiers : 
besides  that,  the  peasants  today  looted  the  co-operatives  and 
the  freight  station  and  we  were  obliged  to  give  them  out 
flour  destined  for  shipment.  The  man  in  charge  of  the  sta- 
tion was  beaten  and  is  almost  dead.  The  situation  is  very 
threatening.  We  cannot  telegraph  or  telephone.  You  your- 
self understand  that  I  cannot  write  about  everything. 

73 


We  must  have  protection  from  outbreaks,  and  immedi- 
ately. 

March  2,  1917. 

From  other  lines  the  same  kind  of  reports  came  in.  The 
soldiers  were  unruly. 

Still  worse  was  the  condition  in  Kronstadt.  The  sailors 
were  almost  to  a  man  Bolsheviki.  They  had  expelled  almost  all 
the  officers.  The  less  popular  ones  they  arrested  and  compelled 
them  to  clean  the  toilets.  The  members  of  the  Duma  who  tried 
to  go  there  had  no  success. 

Also,  at  certain  places  on  the  railroads,  the  employees  were 
beginning  to  get  even  with  their  unpopular  superiors.  I  sug- 
gested to  Boublikoff  that  all  these  hooligans  should  immediately 
be  discharged.  They  had  no  place  on  the  railroads. 

"You're  right,  but  you  know,  it's  somewhat  difficult  while 
Nekrassoff  is  Minister." 

''Talk  it  over  with  him." 

The  conversation  was  very  heated  and  without  result.  Evi- 
dently Nekrassoff  was  to  remain.  Quite  unexpectedly,  about 
four  o'clock,  he  came  to  the  Ministry  himself  .  .  .  with  his  wife. 
That  lady  looked  at  me  strangely.*  The  Commissars  locked 
themselves  with  the  Nekrassoffs  in  the  office  and  conferred  for 
about  two  hours.  At  this  time  Kozireff,  who  had  remained 
Chairman  of  the  Engineering  Soviet,  arrived  to  take  the  Min- 
ister to  the  Soviet  and  introduce  him  to  the  members. 

"Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  tell  him  about  this." 

I  went  in. 

"No,  you  know  .  .  .  I'm  not  a  member  yet.  And  if  I  go 
I  will  have  to  say  something  and  I  haven't  prepared  anything." 

When  I  told  this  to  Kozireff  he  became  angry  and  person- 
ally went  to  talk  with  Nekrassoff.  He  returned  quite  red. 

The  Ministry,  with  the  exception  of  the  presence  of  the 
soldiers,  began  to  take  on  a  more  and  more  normal  appearance. 
People  began  to  come  in,  representatives  of  private  railroads, 
factories,  etc.  Almost  every  minute  some  decision  had  to  be 
made.  Life  went  on  feverishly.  The  chief  obstacle  was  that  of 
legality.  The  Duma  had  given  out  a  motto :  "The  Revolution 
is  ended.  The  new  power  must  act  strictly  within  the  law. 
There  is  to  be  no  usurpation  of  authority."  This  was  all  well 


It  turned  out  later  that  we  were  old  acquaintances. 

74 


and  good,  but  the  Tzar's  laws  still  remained  pretty  bad.  The 
juriscounsel  almost  never  left  my  office.  We  codified  all  that 
had  been  done  during  the  revolution  and  cleared  up  what  had 
to  be  abolished  and  in  what  order.  For  the  sake  of  simplicity, 
we  prepared  telegrams  which  the  Minister  was  to  sign,  either 
himself,  or  with  the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  or  after  the  matter 
had  been  taken  up  in  the  Council  of  Ministers.  In  the  first  place, 
we  sent  a  Ministerial  telegram  abolishing  the  rules  for  the  ac- 
ceptance of  railroad  employees.  ^That  is,  we  abolished  political 
spying  in  the  Ministry.  Secondly,  a  telegram  was  sent  with 
instructions  for  the  removal  of  all  obstacles  to  the  work  of  the 
Provisioning  Committees.  Thirdly,  a  telegram  was  sent  abolish- 
ing the  railroad  gendarmerie. 

Shabunevitch  entered  the  office,  one  of  the  old  employees 
of  the  Ministry,  and  handed  in  an  anonymous  paper  bearing  a 
request  to  all  the  extra  employees  of  the  Ministry  to  gather  at 
five  o'clock  in  the  hall  of  the  Committee  for  the  purpose  of  form- 
ing a  union. 

"What  do  you  order  to  be  done?" 

"Nothing.  This  is  none  of  our  business.  This  is  the  busi- 
ness of  the  Chief  Clerk  and  he,  I  think,  has  no  reason  not  to  give 
the  hall  for  the  meeting  after  office  hours." 

"And  what  about  the  union?" 

"That  again  does  not  concern  us.  It  concerns  only  the  em- 
ployees. We  cannot  interfere  with  their  organizations.  It  is 
their  business.  If  they  come  to  us  with  demands  we  will  take 
them  up.  But  meanwhile  we  must  stand  aside :  neither  encour- 
age nor  obstruct." 

"Yes,  sir." 

"Please  inform  the  office,"  I  said  to  one  of  the  employees, 
"to  prepare  a  notice  that  no  meetings  are  permitted  during  office 
hours." 

It  got  dark.  The  Nekrassoffs  and  Dobrovolsky  went 
away.  Boublikoff  was  walking  up  and  down  in  his  office  and 
then  talked  for  a  long  time  with  the  Duma.  Then  he  suddenly 
appeared  at  the  door. 

"Well,  friends,  it's  time  to  stop  work.  The  Revolution  has 
ended.  The  banks  are  open.  We  must  celebrate.  Filaret,  order 
a  supper  in  the  club.  We  will  remember  our  youth." 

Thus,  unexpectedly,  a  dinner  was  held  of  "those  to  be, 
hanged."  There  were  Boublikoff,  Pavlovsky,  Sidelnikoff,  my- 

75 


self,  Roulevsky,  Lebedeff  and  Tiumeneff  (from  the  Department 
of  Operation).  We  opened  a  few  bottles  of  champagne  and 
drank  toasts. 

After  the  dinner  I  returned  to  the  Ministry  and  began  to 
work. 

Sunday,  March  5th. 

About  three  o'clock  I  tried  to  lie  down  on  the  floor  but 
could  not  fall  asleep. 

The  entire  morning  was  spent  in  conversations  with  the 
railroads.  Freight  from  the  south  to  Petrograd  had  reached  an 
unheard  of  amount,  2,000  cars,  and  this  during  revolution.  Our 
railroad  men  proved  superior  to  their  task. 

Moscow  had  solemnly  taken  the  oath  to  the  Provisional 
Government  on  the  Red  Plaza. 

In  Petrograd,  however,  there  was  some  trouble  about  the 
oath.  Certain  regiments  were  trying  to  evade  the  taking  of  the 
oath ;  and  pourparlers  were  going  on. 

There  was  also  trouble  with  the  rank  and  file  on  the  rail- 
roads. Instead  of  working,  they  attended  meetings.  The  Soviet 
appointed  a  Commissar  for  each  railroad.  A  short  time  before, 
the  Commissar  of  the  Nicholaievskaya  had  come  to  see  me.  He 
was  a  very  intelligent  man  with  a  high  school  technical  educa- 
tion, a  Menshevik.  We  understood  each  other  from  the  first 
few  words.  The  movement  of  trains  had  to  be  kept  up  but  at 
the  same  time  the  chief  demands  of  the  employees  had  to  be 
crystalized.  When  they  themselves  realized  exactly  what  they 
wanted,  then  we  would  bargain.  The  state,  as  employer,  would 
unquestionably  meet  their  demands  but  at  present  we  had  to 
work  as  much  as  possible. 

It  was  much  worse  on  the  Vindavskaya.  There  the  director 
was  wise  and  liberal  but  his  Soviet  Commissar  was  an  uncom- 
promising and  unyielding  Bolshevik  from  the  intellegentzia. 
They  could  not  come  to  an  understanding.  As  I  was  talking  to 
the  Duma,  there  suddenly  appeared  a  telegram  signed  by  Keren- 
sky  and  Nekrassoff : 

To  all  N. 

Inform  all  employees  and  workmen  that,  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Provisional  Government,  there  is  being  organ- 
ized at  the  Ministry  of  Ways  of  Communication  a  special 
Committee  under  the  chairmanship  of  Deputy  Dobrovolsky 

76 


for  the  rapid  democratization  of  the  rules  of  employment 
on  railroads  as  well  as  for  the  revision  of  the  material  con- 
ditions of  labor.  In  particular,  the  question  of  the  repre- 
sentation of  employees  and  workmen  in  the  administration 
of  the  railroads  will  be  decided  upon.  We  invite,  therefore, 
all  employees  and  workmen  to  await  the  decision  of  this 
question  and  not  to  undertake  immediately  any  steps  of 
their  own  which  may  break  up  the  regular  work  of  the  rail- 
roads so  necessary  during  the  present  war  and  during  the 
establishment  of  the  new  power. 

No.  1788.  Minister  of  Ways  of  Communication, 

NEKRASSOFF. 

Minister  of  Justice,  KERENSKY. 
Correct:  Rozhko. 

Boublikoff  and  I  were  thunderstruck.  First  of  all,  Nek- 
rassofF  had  not  yet  assumed  office.  Secondly,  what  kind  of 
representation  of  employees  and  workmen  in  the  administration 
of  the  railroads  were  they  speaking  of?  What  kind  of  par- 
liamentarism was  possible  in  a  railroad  organization  which  has 
to  work  like  a  clock,  submitting  to  a  single  will  whose  founda- 
tion lies  in  the  command  of  each  second? 

"And  what's  most  important,"  Boublikoff  shouted,  "we 
must  give  them  something  now,  you  understand,  now,  immedi- 
ately! They  will  not  be  satisfied  with  a  committee.  This  tele- 
gram must  not  be  sent  but  rather  the  one  prepared  by  the  juris- 
counsel  and  yourself.  This  is  a  promise,  the  other  is  a  real  bless- 
ing. And  what  is  most  important,  we  must  immediately  dispose 
of  all  the  rascals  in  the  Ministry  and  especially  in  the  railroads. 
Write  a  corresponding  telegram." 

"But  who  will  be  the  Minister,  and  then,  who  is  managing 
the  Ministry  now?"  I  asked. 

Boublikoff  did  not  answer  but  only  glared  and,  locking  him- 
self in  his  office,  he  began  to  talk  by  telephone  with  the  Duma. 
Evidently  his  relations  with  the  Committee  were  getting  more 
strained,  and  he  was  not  going  to  be  Minister. 

"Despatch  the  telegram  of  Kerensky  and  Nekrassoff  and 
don't  ask  me  any  questions,"  shouted  Boublikoff  through  the 
half  open  door. 

Roulevsky  and  I  looked  at  each  other  and  Boublikoff  disap- 
peared. About  two  hours  passed  at  work  unnoticed. 

77 


Roulevsky  called  me  aside. 

"We  will  not  allow  Alexander  Alexandrovitch  to  go  away. 
We  will  strike." 

"You've  lost  your  senses.  What  sort  of  a  strike  can  there 
be  now?" 

"Eh,  Uriy  Vladimirovitch,  this  is  only  a  beginning.  .  .  .  The 
time  will  come  when  we  shall  have  to  take  the  Ministry  again, 
but  by  force.  But  so  far  Boublikoff  is  the  man." 

"Do  not  count  on  me.  At  the  first  attempt  to  create  dis- 
order I  will  take  all  lawful  steps  against  you." 

"Well,  I'm  not  afraid  of  lawful  means.  And  why  are  you 
getting  so  set  on  the  law,  anyway?  By  what  law,  pray  tell  me, 
does  the  Soviet  exist?" 

"We  are  not  speaking  of  that  no\v.  I  am  heart  and 
soul  for  Boublikoff  and  fully  understand  the  incapacity  of  Nek- 
rassoff.  But  I  am  against  any  kind  of  plots.  .  .  ."  We  went  to 
Boublikoff. 

Boublikoff  hesitated  less  than  a  minute  and  then  decidedly 
accepted  my  point  of  view. 

"We  must  show  an  example  of  submitting  to  rule.  And 
then,  nothing  has  been  finally  decided." 

About  three  o'clock  Nekrassoff  arrived  with  Professor  Nov- 
gorodtseff.  They  locked  themselves  in  the  Minister's  office  and 
began  to  prepare  the  manifesto  of  the  Provisional  Government. 
Toward  evening  the  following  text  was  given  me  for  publication : 

"THE    PROVISIONAL   GOVERNMENT    NOTIFIES 
CITIZENS    OF   THE    RUSSIAN    EMPIRE 

"The  old  order  has  fallen.  The  inheritance  of  the  de- 
generate autocracy,  the  chains  binding  the  strength  of  the 
people  are  broken. 

"The  great  overthrow  has  ended  the  long  years  of 
struggle  which  have  taken  so  much  strength,  and  the  lives 
and  liberties  of  so  many  of  the  best  sons  of  our  country. 

"On  October  17,  1905,  it  seemed  that  the  people  had 
won  the  victory.  A  Constitutional  form  of  government  was 
proclaimed.  But  the  false  and  hypocritical  powers,  after 
submitting  to  the  forced  concessions,  began  to  recuperate 
from  the  early  blows  and,  by  creating  pernicious  social  divi- 
sion by  means  of  pogroms  and  by  inhuman  and  bloody  exec- 
utions, attempted  from  the  first  day  to  crush  out  our  new 

78 


born  liberties.  Notwithstanding  all  the  attempts  of  the  old 
power,  the  first  Duma  formulated  the  fundamental  demands 
of  the  people.  The  Duma  was  dissolved.  The  second  gained 
no  victory.  In  contradiction  to  fundamental  law,  the 
supreme  power  changed  the  election  laws  with  a  view  of 
creating  a  docile  Duma  and  during  a  period  of  many  years, 
has  continually  fought  the  aspirations  of  the  people,  has 
put  obstacles  in  the  path  of  change,  trying  with  all  its  might 
to  maintain  the  old  order,  an"  order  which  gave  no  possibil- 
ities for  the  economic  and  cultural  development  of  the 
people. 

"The  war  broke  out.  All  the  governments  of  Western 
Europe  understood  that  victory  was  to  be  gained  only  by 
straining  all  the  strength  of  the  people  and  by  the  unity  of 
the  people.  They  invited  into  their  midst  the  most  gifted 
and  irreproachable  people,  those  respected  by  the  entire  pop- 
ulation. Nicholas  II,  as  before,  shunned  contact  with  the 
people,  taking  care  only  that  the  power  should  remain  in 
the  hands  of  the  adherents  of  the  old  order.  He  found  them 
among  low  grafters,  people  without  honor,  incapable  of 
understanding  the  needs  of  the  state.  These  persons  thought 
only  of  their  own  interests,  neglected  the  popular  defense, 
and  some  of  them,  whose  names  the  people  will  not  forget, 
in  the  face  of  the  enemy  bargained  with  the  fate  of  the  coun- 
try and  covered  their  names  with  treachery.  And  behind 
the  back  of  this  miserable  government,  the  power,  of  all 
those  dark  forces,  criminal  and  licentious,  was  being- 
strengthened.  They  were  appointing  and  dismissing  Min- 
isters. Their  ignorant  voices  were  deciding  the  business  of 
the  state.  The  friendship  of  the  Emperor  for  them  has  put 
a  stigma  on  the  name  of  the  Russian  Emperor  and  has 
turned  away  from  him  all  honest  sons  of  the  country. 

"The  cup  of  the  people's  endurance  was  overflowing. 
A  mighty  attempt  has  united  all  citizens.  On  the  side  of 
the  Tzar  no  one  was  found.  Deserted  by  all  and  realizing 
his  helplessness,  he  has  abdicated  from  the  throne  for  him- 
self and  his  son  and  has  turned  over  the  inheritance  to  his 
brother,  Grand  Duke  Michael  Alexandrovitch.  The  latter 
has  refused  to  accept  the  supreme  power.  He  has  acknowl- 
edged that  now  only  the  will  of  the  people  may  decide  the 
form  of  government  and  the  fate  of  the  throne.  He  has 

79 


asked  all  citizens  of  the  Russian  Empire  to  submit  to  the 
Provisional  Government  which  has  been  created  on  the  ini- 
tiative of  the  Duma  and  which  possesses  complete  power. 
In  the  name  of  duty  to  the  country,  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment has  accepted  the  difficult  task  of  this  rule  and  before 
the  face  of  the  people  takes  up  the  responsibility  for  its  fate. 
It  will  perform  its  duties  and  find  its  strength  in  the  realiza- 
tion of  unity  with  the  Duma  and  in  the  mighty  support  of 
the  Russian  Army,  the  laboring  masses  and  the  social  organ- 
izations. 

"The  most  important  problem  before  the  Provisional 
Government  is  that  of  calling  a  Constituent  Assembly  in 
the  shortest  possible  time.  This  Assembly  will  be  con- 
vened on  the  basis  of  universal,  direct,  equal  and  secret 
balloting  and  will  establish  the  fundamental  laws  of  the 
future  state  according  to  the  will  of  the  people. 

"Not  wishing  the  heroic  defenders  of  the  country  who 
are  now  spilling  their  blood  on  the  fields  of  battle  to  abstain 
from  participation  in  the  elections,  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment will  guarantee  their  participation.  The  Provisional 
Government  is  not  called  upon  to  decide  upon  all  questions 
of  law  as  they  arise.  This  shall  be  the  task  of  the  Constit- 
uent Assembly  and  the  legal  institutions  created  by  it.  But 
the  Provisional  Government  considers  it  its  duty  at  present 
to  issue  a  complete  amnesty  for  all  political  and  religious 
offences,  to  guarantee  to  the  people  the  rights  of  civil  liberty 
and  civil  equality  and  to  introduce  universal  suffrage  in  the 
election  of  the  local  self-government  bodies. 

"But  at  the  head  of  all  the  problems  of  the  people  there 
stands  at  present  the  greatest  problem — that  of  securing  a 
victorious  termination  of  the  war  in  co-operation  with  our 
glorious  Allies.  We,  as  well  as  they,  are  warring  not  for 
the  extension  of  our  borders  DUT  tor  the  creation  of  a  stable 
peace  which  shall  correspond  with  the  dignity  of  a  great 
power  and  with  the  necessity  for  the  fulfillment  of  its  great 
national  problems. 

"Citizens  of  the  Russian  Empire,  in  the  historic  mo- 
ment now  approaching  let  us  unite  and  strain  all  our  powers 
to  help  our  heroic  army  battling  at  the  front.  We  have  still 
before  us  a  number  of  hardships  and  privations.  Submit- 
ting to  the  inevitable  and  patiently  overcoming  it,  we  shall 

80 


remember  that  only  by  stubborn  and  self-denying  labor,  con- 
ditions of  new  and  better  life  are  gradually  created. 
"To  this  labor  Russia  is  calling  all  of  us." 

But  then  there  came  a  telephone  call  from  the  Duma  stating 
that  the  Council  of  Ministers  had  changed  the  manifesto  and 
that  the  final  text  of  the  appeal  would  be  delivered  tomorrow. 
I  let  the  compositors  go  and  decided  to  go  home  in  order  to  have 
some  sleep  at  least. 

I  went  to  talk  it  over  with  Boublikoff.  He  was  very  per- 
turbed. 

"Well,"  he  said,  "tomorrow  Nekrassoff  assumes  office.  He 
offered  me  the  office  of  Assistant  Minister.  Nothing  doing.  .  .  . 
You  are  not  supposed  to  know  anything  about  it.  But  you  must 
remain.  I  insist  upon  that." 

"But  I  have  a  position.  I  am  a  member  of  the  Engineering 
Soviet." 

"Yes,  and  also  the  Chief  of  Experiments.  No,  you  must 
remain  at  actual  work.  The  Director-General  will  be  Shubersky 
but  the  place  of  Assistant  Minister  is  vacant." 

"Why,  then,  do  you  refuse?" 

"I  cannot  work  with  these  dummies.  ...  I  am  a  man  of 
liberty  and  domination.  I  am  a  boss  myself  and  you  are  em- 
ployed anyway.  ...  Go  out  for  a  minute." 

And  he  ran  to  the  telephone.  This  was  not  a  conversation. 
It  was  one  continuous  shout.  The  word  "dummies"  was  men- 
tioned often.  With  whom,  about  whom  and  about  what  he  spoke 
I  did  not  understand.  But  I  have  never  seen  Boublikoff  before 
or  since  in  such  a  rage.  "Scamps,  swindlers,  dummies.  They 
are  sacrificing  Russia.  It  is  plain  demagogy.  They  won't  last 
even  two  months  .  .  .  everything  will  go  to  the  devil.  They 
will  be  turned  out  with  shame." 

"What's  the  matter,  Alexander  Alexandrovitch  ?" 

"What's  the  matter?  Such  favoritism  did  not  exist  even 
in  Rasputin's  time  .  .  .  and  then,  why  do  you  want  to  know  all 
about  it?  Go  home  and  forget  about  our  last  night's  conversa- 
tion." Thanks  for  your  co-operation.  And  he  heartily  embraced 
me. 

It  is  a  strange  thing.  I  am  a  man  ambitious  and  power 
loving.  But  I  felt  at  that  time  as  though  a  heavy  load  had  fallen 
from  my  shoulders.  In  a  sort  of  ecstasy,  with  uplifted  head,  I  left 
the  Ministry  and  went  to  the  station.  The  realization  that  I  had 

81 


not  received  anything  for  my  participation  in  the  revolution 
made  me  happy  and  proud.  Truly,  I  have  never  passed  happier 
minutes  in  my  life.  My  wife  completely  shared  by  happiness. 

March  6th. 

Arriving  at  the  Ministry  about  eight  o'clock,  I  found  the 
text  of  the  new  manifesto  which  I  turned  over  to  the  printing 
office.  Here  is  the  text: 

"FROM   THE   PROVISIONAL   GOVERNMENT 

"Citizens  of  the  Russian  Empire 

"The  great  event  has  happened.  By  a  mighty  outburst 
the  Russian  people  have  overthrown  the  old  order.  A  new 
and  free  Russia  has  been  born.  The  great  overthrow  com- 
pletes the  long  years  of  struggle. 

"By  the  Act  of  October  17,  1905,  under  the  pressure  of 
the  power  of  the  awakened  people,  Russia  \vas  promised 
Constitutional  liberties  but  these  promises  were  not  ful- 
filled. The  mouthpiece  of  the  hopes  of  the  people,  the  first 
Duma,  was  dissolved.  The  second  Duma  met  the  same 
fate,  and  unable  to  conquer  the  will  of  the  people,  the  gov- 
ernment decided  in  the  Act  of  June  3,  1907,  to  take  away  the 
few  rights  the  people  had  of  participating  in  the  legislative 
functions.  For  nine  long  years  the  people  have  been  de- 
prived, step  by  step,  of  all  the  rights  that  they  had  won. 
The  country  was  again  thrown  into  the  whirlpool  of  auto- 
cracy. All  attempts  to  hold  the  power  have  proved  futile. 
The  great  world  struggle  which  our  country  was  compelled 
by  the  enemy  to  enter  courted  a  condition  of  moral  degen- 
eration of  power.  Not  united  with  the  people,  indifferent 
to  the  fate  of  the  country,  sunk  in  the  shame  of  vice,  even 
the  heroic  attempts  of  the  army,  weakened  by  the  weight 
of  unmerciful  internal  disintegration,  even  the  call  of  the 
representatives  of  the  people  united  in  the  face  of  national 
danger,  all  were  powerless  to  induce  the  former  Emperor 
and  his  government  to  unite  with  the  people.  And  when 
Russia,  due  only  to  the  unlawful  and  dangerous  actions  of 
its  rulers,  was  confronted  with  tremendous  calamities  the 
people  themselves  were  compelled  to  take  the  rule  into  their 
own  hands.  A  unified  revolutionary  outburst  of  the  people, 
conscious  of  the  importance  of  the  moment,  and  the  de- 
cisiveness of  the  Duma  have  created  a  Provisional  Govern- 

82 


ment  which  considers  it  its  holy  and  responsible  duty  to 
bring  to  realization  the  wishes  of  the  people  and  to  lead  the 
country  in  a  free  and  enlightened  path  of  civil  construc- 
tiveness. 

"The  Government  believes  that  the  spirit  of  the  great 
patriotism  which  showed  itself  in  the  struggle  of  the  people 
with  the  old  powers  will  encourage  our  heroic  soldiers  on 
the  field  of  battle.  The  Government,  as  far  as  it  is  con- 
cerned, will  do  all  in  its  power  to  guarantee  our  army  every- 
thing necessary  to  carry  the  war  to  a  successful  termination. 

"The  Government  will  be  bound  to  keep  holy  all  alli- 
ances with  other  powers  and  will  keep  all  agreements  made 
with  the  Allies. 

"While  taking  measures  to  defend  the  country  from  the 
foreign  foe,  the  Government  will  at  the  same  time  consider 
it  its  first  duty  to  open  the  way  for  the  expression  of  the 
will  of  the  people  as  to  the  form  of  government  and  will  call 
as  soon  as  possible,  the  Constituent  Assembly  on  the  basis 
of  universal,  direct,  equal  and  secret  balloting,  guaranteeing 
the  heroic  defenders  of  our  country  who  now  spill  their 
blood  on  the  field  of  battle,  participation  in  the  elections. 
The  Constituent  Assembly  will  also  issue  fundamental  laws 
guaranteeing  the  country  the  inalienable  fundamental  rights 
of  equality  and  liberty. 

"Realizing  the  whole  weight  of  unlawfulness  now  borne 
by  the  country  which  sets  up  obstacles  to  the  free  creative 
impulses  of  the  people,  in  this  year  of  hardship  and  popular 
calamity  the  Provisional  Government  considers  it  necessary 
immediately  even  before  the  convocation  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly  to  guarantee  the  country  fundamental  and  stable 
laws,  securing  civil  liberty  and  civil  equality  in  order  to 
allow  all  citizens  to  freely  express  the  spiritual  strength 
in  creative  work  for  the  welfare  of  the  land  of  our  birth. 
The  government  will  also  undertake  the  establishment  of 
laws  guaranteeing  to  all  citizens  equal  participation  in  the 
election  of  local  self-governing  bodies  on  the  basis  of  uni- 
versal suffrage. 

"In  the  moment  of  the  liberation  of  the  people  the  whole 
country  with  reverence  and  gratitude  remembers  those  who 
in  the  struggle  for  their  political  and  religious  beliefs  fell 
victims  to  the  vengeful  old  power  and  the  Provisional  Gov- 

83 


ernment  will  make  it  a  joyful  duty  to  return  with  honor 

from  the  places  of  their  exile  and  imprisonment  those  who 

have  suffered  and  been  victimized  for  the  welfare  of  the 

country. 

"In  doing  this,  the  Provisional  Government  sincerely 

believes  that  it  is  carrying  out  the  will  of  the  people  and 

that  the  entire  population  will  uphold  it  in  the  honest  desire 

to  insure  the  happiness  of  Russia.     In  this  belief  it  finds  its 

courage.     Only  through  unity  and  with  the  co-operation  of 

the  people  does  it  see  the  promise  for  the  creation  of  a  new 

order. 

"March  6,  1917." 

Brrrrrr  .  .  .  Boublikoff  rang  up  from  his  apartment. 

"Dear  friend,  Nekrassoff  has  set  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning 
as  the  time  for  the  transfer  of  the  Ministry.  I  will  arrive  later.  If 
Dobrovolsky  is  not  there  turn  over  to  him  all  rush  documents." 

I  collected  in  my  brief  case  all  our  projects,  telegrams  and 
the  most  important  information  that  we  had  received  from  the 
railroads  and  waited  for  a  telephone  call  from  the  Minister's 
apartment. 

"He  has  arrived." 

I  started  out. 

On  the  way  Ustrugoff  caught  up  with  me. 

"Where  are  you  going?" 

"To  the  Minister's.    And  you?" 

"I  also.    What  are  you  going  for?" 

"To  turn  over  the  rush  documents  to  him." 

"I  will  give  them  to  him.    Do  not  trouble  the  Minister." 

"I  am  simply  carrying  out  the  order  of  the  Commissar,"  I 
answered  and  thought:  "Are  you,  then,  the  Assistant  Minister?" 

The  courier  reported  our  arrival.  We  entered.  Nekrassoff 
was  joyful  but  at  the  same  time  confused.  I  turned  over  the 
documents  to  him. 

"We  will  look  it  all  up " 

The  courier  reported  the  arrival  of  Sir  George  Carey,  Vice 
President  of  the  Canadian  Pacific,  who  had  been  sent  by  the 
British  as  an  expert  for  the  Murmansk  Railroad.  A  conversa- 
tion through  an  interpreter  ensued.  The  Minister  was  tangled 
and  blundered  in  answering.  He  was  uncomfortable.  His  rage 
finally  turned  upon  the  courier. 

"Tea.  Why  have  you  no  tea?  .  .  .  What  kind  of  a  system  is 
this? 

84 


"Excuse  me,  Your  Excellency,  you  didn't  order  any." 

"There  should  always  be  tea  here " 

Carey  and  I  looked  at  each  other  involuntarily.    He  did  not 

understand  what  was  the  trouble.  After  his  departure  Nekrassoff 

at  once  turned  to  me. 

"Good-bye.    Tell  Boublikoff  that  I  will  come  in  to  see  him 

before  twelve  to  arrange  the  transfer  and  to  sign  a  telegram." 
I  transmitted  this  order  to  Boublikoff  and  became  absorbed 

in   current  work.     I   looked   at  -  the   clock:   it   was   about  one. 

BoublikofF  called  up  Nekrassoff  but  there  was  no  answer.     I 

called  the  Secretary  of  the  Minister. 

"The  Minister  has  issued  an  order  of  his  assumption  of  offi,ce 

and  gone  to  the  Duma.     He  has  ordered  the  Assistant  Minister, 

Ustrugoff,  to  be  applied  to  in  connection  with  current  business." 
Boublikoff's    situation,   as    well    as    my   own,    was   foolish. 

What  for? 

Roulevsky  again  insisted  on  a  mutiny.     Boublikoff  at  this 

time  calmly  refused  to  listen  to  him.     In  order  to  arrange  our 

departure,  I  gave  the  following  telegram  to  the  Commissars : 
"To  the  Commissars  of  the  Duma,  BoublikofT  and  Dobro- 
volsky.     Copy  Tz,*   TzP,**   TzN,***   and  all   N.**** 
For  the  information  of  the  lines. 

"On  the  day  of  your  departure  from  the  Ministry,  in 
the  name  of  the  whole  railroad  family,  I  beg  to  offer  thanks 
to  Fate  that  in  these  historic  days  we  had  to  work  for  the 
good  of  the  country  under  your  leadership.  Due  only  to 
your  energy,  knowledge  and  unquestionable  loyalty  to  the 
work  of  liberty,  you  were  able,  not  only  to  maintain  the 
movement  of  trains  in  the  days  of  Revolution,  but  also  to 
avoid  a  bloody  battle  in  the  neighborhood  of  Petrograd. 
Russia  will  never  forget  your  name. 

"Lomonossoff." 
Boublikoff  replied  with  the  following  circular  telegram: 

"To  All  N.  Copy  Tz,  TzP  and  TzN. 

"Yesterday  Engineer  Nekrassoff,  Member  of  the  Duma, 
entered  upon  his  duties  as  Minister  and  thus  my  work  as 
Commissar  of  the  Duma  has  ended.  On  February  28,  by 

*  Minister. 

**  Assistant   Minister. 
***  Director-General  of  Railroads. 
****  Chiefs  and   Directors-General  of  Railroads. 

85 


order  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Duma,  I  took  the 
Ministry  by  force  and  entered  upon  the  formation  of  means 
to  secure  the  uninterrupted  movement  of  traffic  as  well  as 
to  prevent  the  use  of  the  railroads  for  purposes  contrary  to 
the  interests  of  the  people  and  the  liberation  of  the  country. 
It  is  not  for  us  to  judge  as  to  the  importance  and  position 
of  the  railroad  man  in  this  work.  History  will  do  this  un- 
biasedly  and  not  with  words  of  thanks  do  I  intend  to  address 
you.  Not  for  thanks  did  you  work,  nor  for  your  personal 
interests.  You  consciously  worked  for  the  Fatherland.  I 
would  only  like  to  point  out  to  everyone,  the  marvelous  in- 
ternal discipline  which  the  million-strong  railroad  army  has 
shown  in  these  historic  days.  Not  only  were  all  my  orders, 
which  were  frequently  unusual  for  railroad  men  accustomed 
to  help  and  not  to  hinder  operation,  obeyed  with  two  or 
three  insignificant  exceptions,  wholeheartedly  and  without 
question,  but  even  a  greater  thing  happened :  the  railroads 
did  not  give  in  to  their  impulse  to  celebrate  with  the  rest 
of  the  people  the  days  of  liberation  and  did  not  leave  their 
offices,  shops  and  lines  which  were  covered  with  snow.  Not 
for  a  single  hour  was  the  movement  of  trains  stopped.  Thus 
they  proved  their  real  patriotism.  I  bow  low  to  them  and 
leaving  the  place  of  Chief  and  returning  again  to  be  a  pri- 
vate worker  at  my  beloved  railroad  work,  I  cannot  pass 
without  mentioning — we  may  even  say  for  the  sake  of  his- 
tory— the  names  of  those  who  helped  me  in  those  days  of 
mad  work.  Some  of  them  did  not  even  belong  to  the  Min- 
istry or  belonged  to  Departments  which  did  not  compel 
them  to  do  active  work.  Here  are  the  names :  Professor 
Lomonossoff,  in  the  capacity  of  my  Chief  Assistant ;  former 
Assistant  Ministers  E.  M.  Borisoff  and  D.  P.  Kozireff;  the 
Assistant  Director-General,  V.  P.  Reisler;  the  Chief  of 
Expeditionary  Section,  A.  S.  Tukhin ;  his  Assistant,  P.  P. 
Kerelin  and  S.  M.  Tiumeneff;  V.  S.  Pavlovsky,  temporarily 
appointed  by  me  Chief  of  the  Northwestern  Railroad ;  and 
under  my  direct  orders,  A.  M.  Roulevsky,  Shmuskes,  G.  V. 
LebedefT,  Engineer  B.  A.  Perloff,  Attorney  E.  F.  Sidelni- 
koff;  on  the  line,  Chief  of  the  M.  V.  R.  Railroad,  M.  E.  Pra- 
vosudovitch;  Chief  of  Operation  of  the  same  railroad, 
Grintchuk  Lukashevitch ;  Assistant  Chief  of  Movements  of 
the  Northwestern  Railroad,  Lobanoff,  telegrapher  of  the 

86 


Ministry  on  the  lines.  These  eyes  and  ears  of  the  Provi- 
sional Government  in  these  days  and  the  energetic  company 
of  students  who  bore  the  work  of  communication  and  many 
more  that  I  can  not  mention.  Let  those  that  I  have  not 
mentioned  forgive  my  forgetfulness.  Let  the  great  work 
they  have  performed  give  them  satisfaction.  Proudly  we 
should  all  bear  the  name  of  railroad  men.  Inform  on  the 
lines. 

Commissar  of  the  Duma. 
My  part  in  the  revolution  had  ended. 

AFTERWORD 

The  reader  will  probably  be  interested  to  know  what  has 
become  of  some  of  the  personalities  mentioned  in  these  memoirs. 

Boublikoff  went  into  private  business  and  then  ran  away 
from  the  "Bolshevik  danger"  to  America,  where,  after  some  hesi- 
tation, he  assumed  a  prominent  role  in  the  ranks  of  the  Russian 
counter-revolutionists.  I  myself  came  to  America  even  before 
this.  The  Provisional  Government  sent  me  here.  Lebedeff 
came  with  me  but  I  am  informed  that  he  is  now  going  over  to 
Kolchak.  Roulevsky  immediately  after  the  revolution  was  em- 
ployed by  me  in  the  Office  of  Experiments  and  has  probably 
kept  his  promise — has  a  second  time  helped  to  occupy  the  Min- 
istry during  the  Bolshevik  Revolution. 

Rotmeister  Sosnovsky  soon  afterward  turned  out  to  be  not 
Sosnovsky  but  a  fugitive  criminal,  Regalsky.  He  had  certainly 
formerly  been  an  officer  but  afterward  specialized  in  the  murder 
of  frivolous  women.  During  the  revolution  he  was  a  prisoner 
in  the  Litovsky  Castle.  When  the  mob  liberated  all  prisoners, 
he  obtained  somewhere  the  uniform  of  a  Hussar  officer  and 
turned  up  at  the  Duma. 

Ustrugoff  occupied  the  position  of  Assistant  Minister  until 
the  very  last  moment  of  the  Bolshevik  Revolution  and  at  present 
has  become  a  Minister  in  the  Kolchak  Cabinet. 


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